The data on which this analysis is based were assembled by Dr. A. Hoogerwerf; I a random sample of 912 persons in Delft was used. The authors investigated the influence of several variables on the... Show moreThe data on which this analysis is based were assembled by Dr. A. Hoogerwerf; I a random sample of 912 persons in Delft was used. The authors investigated the influence of several variables on the independent i variable of social-political-progressiveness (spp). A matrix of correlations between fifteen items of the original questionnaire was computed; eight items which were highly related to each other were found. These items were used as indicators for social-political-progressiveness by summing the answers of each respondent on every item. On these scores an analysis of variance was carried out with five independent variables; religion, age, income, level of education, and sex. The following findings were obtained; — Religion had a significant influence on spp-scores; respondents who do not have any specific religion tend to be more progressive than others. Furthermore, Catholics tend to be more progressive than Protestants and Dutch-Reformed. — It was also shown that both the level of education and income had significant influences on spp-scores; the higher the income or the educational level, the lower the progressiveness-score. — The variables age and sex did not have significant influences on spp-scores. — The five variables included in the design explained 32% of the total variance in the spp-scores. Of the remaining 68% about 27% can be explained in terms 2 of error-variance. This means that about 41% of the total variance in spp-score.I has to be explained by factors which are not included in the design. Show less
The boundaries of municipalities in the Netherlands can only be altered by act of parliament. The article describes the decision-making process which resulted in the Bijlmermeerpolder being... Show moreThe boundaries of municipalities in the Netherlands can only be altered by act of parliament. The article describes the decision-making process which resulted in the Bijlmermeerpolder being provisionally added to the municipality of Amsterdam. Up till then, this polder had constituted part of a municipality near Amsterdam and was planned as a new residential area for about a 100,000 people. The problem was, should this project be realized as the responsibility of the Amsterdam city-government or as that of the authorities of a new municipality to be founded in die Bijlmermeerpolder. The city-government held the opinion that only the first solution could render satisfactory results and therefore campaigned for annexation. It was argued that only Amsterdam was technically and administratively equipped for this task. 1 he Minister of the Interior took the second view; he considered it in favour of local democracy to found a new and relatively small municipality. . The local authorities and pressure groups in Amsterdam and some directly interested municipalities tried to influence parliament and the parliamentary parties during the years of discussion on the repeatedly modified bill. The authors regard the administrative arrangement of an expending metropolitan area as a political problem, since the entire area is the scene of the economic, social and cultural life of the residents, whereas they are politically relevant in only part of it, namely the municipality they happen to live in. This problem was hardly touched upon in the discussion on the Bijlmermeerpolder. The dimension in the largest parliamentary group has contributed to the focusing of attention on technical and managerial matters. The decision which was finally reached may be considered as a specimen o incremental or marginal decision-making. Show less
In april 1968 a nationwide sample was asked to rate political parties, politicians and itself on an Osgood scale running from extremely left to extremely right. The arithmetic means for the... Show moreIn april 1968 a nationwide sample was asked to rate political parties, politicians and itself on an Osgood scale running from extremely left to extremely right. The arithmetic means for the position of the parties (table 1) and of the politicians (table 2) show the familiar pattern, hut cell scores indicate that the meaning of the terms ’left’ and ’right’ is not unequivocal. In table 5 and 7 respondents’ rating of themselves and ratings of the parties they would vote for, are compared. Though absolute numbers in the subdivisions are small, there is some tentative evidence that the P.v.d.A. (Labour Party) and the A.R.P. (Anti Revolutionary Party) are seen as tending more to the left than their voters while the K.V.P. (Catholic People’s Party) and the V.V.D. (People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy) are seen as being more to the right than their voters. In May 1968 another nationwide sample was asked to define the terms left’ and ’right’. Thirty-six percent did not give an answer; the obtained answers show a variety of meanings, the term left’ being most frequently associated with ’socialist/communist’, the term ’right’ with ’Christian religion/religious parties’. Show less
In the course of a graduate seminar in political science at the University of Amsterdam, an effort was made to discover which states should be considered ’most influential’ in the General Assembly... Show moreIn the course of a graduate seminar in political science at the University of Amsterdam, an effort was made to discover which states should be considered ’most influential’ in the General Assembly of the United Nations. Certain observations in the literature on the behaviour of individual states in the UN are compared with their voting behaviour during the eighteenth General Assembly with regard to eight selected issues; the representation of China, the Korean question, the enlargement of the Security Council and ECOSOC, the question of South-West Africa, the application of the resolution on granting independence to colonial states and nations, the Rhodesian question, the position of Portuguese territories in Africa, and the issue of the Palestinian refugees. The conclusions are based on the results of eight ’key votes’ and on the results of the twenty-seven roll-call votes held on tire eight questions (including the eight ’key votes’). Among the findings reported were the following: — the African and Asian states belonged more often to the majority than either the Western or the Communist states; — the voting record of the Scandinavian countries was almost identical, but it was not shown that they were less inclined to deviate from the voting patterns of Great Britain than of those of the United States; — the voting record of African states showed more affinity with that of the Scandinavian states than with that of either Britain or the United States; — Yugoslavia’s voting record was in accordance with that of the African and Asian nations; — Japan’s voting record showed a position somewhere between that of the African and Asian nations and that of the United States; — Israel’s voting record was more in accordance with that of the African and Asian nations than with that of the United States; — Pakistan’s voting record showed a position somewhat nearer to that of the Soviet Union than that of the United States; — on issues of national self-determination the United States’ votes were more in accordance with those of Western European states than with those of African and Asian states; — the United States and Western European states abstained more often on issues of national self-determination than African and Asian states. Analysis of roll call votes can describe the position a state has taken on various issues and compare it with those taken by other states, but it cannot explain why these positions were taken. Show less
In this issue Daudt and Hoogerwerf end their discussion about Hoogerwerf’s article ’The Dutch Voters and the Party System’ (Acta Politica II [1966/1967]: 4, p. 297—330), which was criticized by... Show moreIn this issue Daudt and Hoogerwerf end their discussion about Hoogerwerf’s article ’The Dutch Voters and the Party System’ (Acta Politica II [1966/1967]: 4, p. 297—330), which was criticized by Daudt (’Election Research in the Netherlands’, Acta Politica III [October 1967]: 1 ,p. 53—74) and defended by Hoogerwerf (’The Point of Research and of some Criticism , Acta Politica III [October 1967]: 1, p. 74-78). Show less
Two out of several possible interpretations of ’unambiguity’ in Dutch multiparty politics have been chosen for operationalisation. The nine, most important political parties were ranked accordingly... Show moreTwo out of several possible interpretations of ’unambiguity’ in Dutch multiparty politics have been chosen for operationalisation. The nine, most important political parties were ranked accordingly. The first operational definition is in terms of the ’recognizability* of the party standpoints, the second considers the political colour of the parties. . One hundred and twelve respondents had to recognise the standpoints of the parties on the most important issues of the 1967 general election campaign. Two hundred and nineteen people ranked the parties from left to right. According to the first operationalisation a party is the more unambiguous the better its standpoints are recognised; according to the second a party is the more ’unambiguous’ the better the respondents agree on its location on the left-right dimension. Show less
An answer is sought to the following two questions: (1) what is the influence of the electoral system on the cooperation between political parties and (2) how do the voters get an opportunity — in... Show moreAn answer is sought to the following two questions: (1) what is the influence of the electoral system on the cooperation between political parties and (2) how do the voters get an opportunity — in case of party-cooperation — to influence cabinet formation and cabinet policy? After a brief survey of electoral systems, the following four of these are closely analyzed: proportional representation as it exists today in the Netherlands, proportional representation within several independent districts (a moderate form of proportional representation) relative majority system within triple districts, (triple district system) and the absolute majority system within single districts with the possibility of a second round (district system). The assumption is made that political parties will cooperate only if they can thus gain more seats than they would if they fought the election on their own. The author then reaches the following conclusions: (1) If proportional representation in the Netherlands is changed into some form of district system, chances will increase that the political parties will cooperate. This does not mean, however, that the influence of the voters with regard to cabinet formation and cabinet policy will increase at the same time. (2) That influence could only increase if formation and policy of the next cabinet are made into an issue at the elections. This means that a number of political parties would have to form a nation-wide combination, which would fight the elections on a clear and workable platform. Chances that the latter would happen, would diminish, if a form of district system were introduced in the Netherlands. Show less
