A general model of conflict is brought to bear on the relation of the military vis-à-vis the political system. The model, as elaborated earlier by the author, integrates two distinct approaches of... Show moreA general model of conflict is brought to bear on the relation of the military vis-à-vis the political system. The model, as elaborated earlier by the author, integrates two distinct approaches of conflict: one a polarization model in the Marxian tradition, essentially a status consistency model, the other a status inconsistency model. In both approaches society is depicted as a distributive system in which social groups are vying for shares of such social goods as can be subsumed under the labels of class, status, and power. It is assumed that an individual assortment of inequivalent shares gives rise to behavior aiming at a reduction of the inconsistency through an increase of the smallest shares. Under certain conditions as specified in the model, such attempts may be countered by defensive strategies on the part of the holders of large shares — reactions which may lead to a blocking of aspirations of upward mobility and cause the other party to radically reorient itself in terms of shared relative deprivation. Aspirations in the basis of large shares are given up; the resulting picture is one of polarization in which haves and have-nots are opposed in a situation of conflict. In this article the military is viewed as a specific social context in which this process may occur. Both internally within the army, and externally in the wider societal context, conflict groups are formed that may enter into coalitions in an attempt to use their leverage in the army in order to promote their goals. The actual number and composition of groups as well as the specific societal referents that occur, vary according to the institutional character of the arena in which competition takes place. As suggested by Huntington, these arenas can be either civic or praetorian, irrespective of the level of political participation. The actual number and composition of groups as well as the specific societal different levels of political participation, whereas the fourth is civic with a high degree of participation. The applications are meant to illustrate which specific hypotheses can be derived from the model. One important implication of the general argument is that a civic arena offers sufficient alternative procedures to social groups in their struggle for social goods so as to virtually exclude violent military intervention from consideration. For such intervention to be a likely outcome, earlier signs of a relapse from a civic state into praetorianism must be evident. Show less
As a matter of principle, non-aligned countries refuse deliberatedly to enter into the great power blocs. However, non-alignment does not preclude the possibility of making an active stand in... Show moreAs a matter of principle, non-aligned countries refuse deliberatedly to enter into the great power blocs. However, non-alignment does not preclude the possibility of making an active stand in international affairs. Although under certain circumstances some non-aligned countries assume a middle-of-the-road position between Western and Communist policies, this is not an inherent part of the neutralist credo. On any given global issue, non-aligned countries might adopt an attitude which sometimes draws closer to, or even coincides With, one or the other of the cold war alliances. Assuming that the United Nations-voting record of non-aligned countries a k 1 of *oir diplomatic orientation, an attempt is made to answer the following questions on the basis of an analysis of roll call in the General VoTo 1959-1965 (sub-periods: 1959-1961 and T? what extent non-alignedcountries, take a midway position between the United States and its allies on the one side and the Soviet Union and its allies on the other hand; 2. To what extent they abstain from voting and to what extent they line up pro or contra with regard to East-West confrontations; 3. Whether it is possible to develop a typology of non-alignment by means of which one can gam a better insight into the very concept and the positions Which are taken up by the non-aligned countries; 4. ^ether shifts have taken place during the examined period or not. And it so, to what extent. The cases at the plenary meetings of the General Assembly in which the U S and the great majority of his allies oppose the S.U. and its allies are labelled East-West-confrontations. The total number of those keyvotes amounts to 165 Within <his context, the relative distance of 30 selected non-aligned states towards the United States and the Soviet Union is statistically determined. Further, these states are classified in terms of six categories, namely ’active’ ’equidistant’ and ’co-Soviet’, and ’passive’ resp. ’co-Western’ equidistant and co-Soviet’ non-aligned. Show less
