The author criticises the view which considers electoral systems only in terms of the possibilities they offer to the voters to express opinions and have these represented in Parliament. Elections... Show moreThe author criticises the view which considers electoral systems only in terms of the possibilities they offer to the voters to express opinions and have these represented in Parliament. Elections should be considered as part of a political decision-making process. This involves exerting influence on as well as commitment to decisions. Insofar as elections do not produce decisions, the voters not only have to leave these to others but also remain uncommitted. Various functions of elections are discussed and an analysis is made of the social and political conditions which determined the comparatively satisfactory way in which PR functioned in The Netherlands between the two World Wars, as well as of the changes in these conditions which are now increasingly giving rise to problems and to dissatisfaction with the political system. Given the fact that the following of political parties in Holland is traditionally determined by adherence to a religious denomination and/or a political ideology rather than by differences regarding practical issues, the patty-leaders cannot, but at the risk of losing electoral support, commit themselves either on such issues or to a government coalition before elections. Owing to the tact that denominational and ideological differences have become less and less politically relevant and group-cohesion based on those differences has rapidly diminished since the last War, the party-leadership is now forced to act even more reticently. The predicament is met by (1) the formation of middle-of-the-road governments; (2) the fragmentation of long term political issues into short term problems or a predominantly technical nature; (3) transferring the decision on policies to advisory committees to the government, bodies of experts, organized interest groups, etc.; (4) frequently overthrowing governments. As a result, political responsibility is getting more and more diffusely scattered, and political issues are increasingly vaguely defined and covered up by ideological formulas which are decreasingly meaningful to the electorate. The voters thus have fewer and fewer possibilities to vote and exert influence on as well as to commit themselves to decisions which affect their conditions of life. The latter, in turn, enhances the difficulties of the parties indicated above. A plea is made for a reform of the political system maintaining PR within limits set by the need for electoral majority decisions, and putting a heavy premium on the formation of government coalitions before elections. It is proposed to create the possibility that parties or combinations of parties present governmental candidates at elections. The candidates of the party, or the combination of parties, acquiring an absolute majority of the votes cast will be elected or Government. In case no absolute majority is obtained in the first round, a second round must be held in which only the two parties or combinations of parties with the largest relative majorities compete. The victor of this second round has its governmental candidates elected and acquires a number of seats in Parliament proportional to the number of votes that have been cast on it in that round. The remaining seats are divided between the other parties according to the results of the first round. Show less
In A Systems Analysis of Political Life (ISIew York etc. 1965) David Easton proposed a theoretical framework applicable to the analysis of all political systems. The expedience of his approach can... Show moreIn A Systems Analysis of Political Life (ISIew York etc. 1965) David Easton proposed a theoretical framework applicable to the analysis of all political systems. The expedience of his approach can only be tested after further elaboration of this framework and the application to empirical data. i In an attempt to give operational meaning to the concepts and variables suggested by Easton, various difficulties are encountered; some of them caused by shortcomings of the analytical framework itself, others resulting from the lack of empirical data which could be used in the operationalization of the Eastonian variables. This led to a number of critical remarks on various aspects of A Systems Analysts, followed by a report on a first tentative application of the analytical framework in an analysis of the political system of the Netherlands. It is shown that the framework has not yet developed into a logical and coherent theory. Nevertheless, it enables us to look at political systems in their entirety and in their interactions with the environment. Moreover, it seems possible to improve the framework in a number of ways. At present it is still impossible to make a satisfactory systems analysis of the political system of the Netherlands. However, a number of promising avenues for further research are suggested. By way of improvisation, existing time-series were used to trace recent trends in the development of demands, support and stresses. This suggests the existence of the interrelationships postulated by Easton. It is to be expected that further work on both the ’Eastonian framework’ and empirical research along the lines suggested by this framework will increase our theoretical insight as well as our factual knowledge of political reality in the Netherlands. Show less
The process of re-orientation in Dutch politics is most strongly manifest in the Catholic People’s Party (K.V.P.). A comparison between the pattern of tensions in the five major Dutch parties shows... Show moreThe process of re-orientation in Dutch politics is most strongly manifest in the Catholic People’s Party (K.V.P.). A comparison between the pattern of tensions in the five major Dutch parties shows that the Catholic People’s Party — and the other confessional parties A.R.P. and C.H.U. as well — have a high percentage of tension-indications in the field of socio-economic polity (35% compared with 21% for the five parties together). Conversely the K.V.P. displays a low percentage of tension-indications in the field of cultural policy (7% compared with 19% for the five parties together). It can be stated with a high degree of probability that the confessional parties have cultural policy as their basic sphere. On that point there is a high degree of harmony in the various parties, but on others there is more disagreement and therefore more tension-indications. Similarly, it may be assumed that the socialists (P.v.d.A.) and the liberals (V.V.D.) display few tension-indications in their basic sphere of socio-economic policy and more in the field of international and cultural policy. In a confessional party such as the K.V.P. two integrating factors exist — the religious principles and the political program — which may conflict with one another. In recent years the integrating factor of religious principles has decreased in importance in the Catholic People’s Party; some groups within the patty seek to eliminate it entirely. As far as socio-economic policy is concerned, the coordination between left and right has always presented great problems. In February 1968 part of the left wing (the Radicals) left the party. A significant proportion (58%) of the opponents on the right manifests a distinct relation with the class of employers, while no less than 44% of the opponents on the left display a distinct relation with the working class. The two major controversies in Dutch foreign policy after World War II — the decolonization of Indonesia and Western New Guinea — also gave rise to many tensions in the K.V.P, The first controversy led to a succession of part of the right wing (1947), which rejoined the K.V.P. when the issue became out of date (1955). Since 1918 it has not been possible to form a stable Dutch cabinet without the participation of the Catholic party. This party can choose its coalition partners from the right (V.V.D.) or from the left (P.v.d.A.). This problem of choice results in many conflicts between the left and right wings of the K.V.P. In the first decade after the war the Roman Catholic Church strongly supported the Catholic People’s Patty; this support, however, has now ceased. The Dutch Roman Catholics are now also more integrated in national life. All this means that the differences in political ideas within the K.V.P. are no longer compensated by a strongly integrating factor of common religious principles. Show less
A critical review of Niklas Luhmann’s Theorie der Venvaltungswissenschaft (Berlin, 1966), is presented. Public administration has so far been the subject of two different kinds of approach; the... Show moreA critical review of Niklas Luhmann’s Theorie der Venvaltungswissenschaft (Berlin, 1966), is presented. Public administration has so far been the subject of two different kinds of approach; the prescriptive method, based on the construction of purely rational models of organization, and the empirical method which emphasizes the causal explanation and prediction of actual social behaviour in organizational structures. Luhmann attempts to make a synthesis between these two opposing approaches. In modern democratic nations, parliament determines the issues that have to be dealt with. The actual execution is the specific function of the public administrative system. Its decision-making function consists of a standardized process of communication and interaction in which facts are collected, selected and elaborated. This decision-making function of the public administrative system should be rationalized i.e. increased in capacity as much as possible without endangering the continuity of the system. Continuity of the public administrative system is essential for the survival of complex and rapidly changing societies. Therefore when confronted with successive issues of a different nature, the structure of the system may be changed only partially. Empirical knowledge of the social reality yields a range of possible alternatives and their effects. The prescriptive approach will single out that alternative which is most suitable for a rational solution of the problem at hand, while the continuing existence of the system as a whole is guaranteed. It is pointed out that Luhmarm, in his analysis, overlooks the fact that the vested interests of the management of the system may obstruct structural changes. This is related to the essential omission in Luhmann’s theory, viz. the execution of power. A social structure is not only held together by norm internalization based on free choice, but also by the execution of power. By neglecting this basic fact, Luhmann’s theory becomes one-sided and liableto abuse by top management. Show less
The definition of a particular science is necessarily based upon certain pre-suppositions — which often remain implicit — concerning the way to approach reality or that part of it which can be... Show moreThe definition of a particular science is necessarily based upon certain pre-suppositions — which often remain implicit — concerning the way to approach reality or that part of it which can be isolated as the subject matter of that science. Consequently, the importance of an inquiry into this problem lies just as much in the delimitation of what to study as in the question of how to study it. It is argued that far from being an independently existing entity, reality is to be conceived as a construction of man’s knowing mind. Knowledge consists of giving a definite and reliable form to sensory experiences through the formation of concepts and relationships in order to answer questions or to solve problems posed by man with regard to certain initially formed concepts. Reality consists of everything which has a status and function in such constructions. While sensory experiences as such are to be postulated as independently given, their content and form are not. Instead, these and our reality as a whole are the products of the long history of human evolution. Knowledge progresses through the solving of problems originated in an earlier phase, thus leading to another structuring of our experiences and the formation of a somewhat different reality. Thus science consists of the self-conscious construction of a particular reality serving the understanding of a well-defined problem. That problem is generated by, and derives its significance from, the reality of everyday life. Defining our science means to give an ’explication’ of ’politics’, as it poses a significant problem in everyday life, and is to serve as the starting-point for the construction of a particular political-scientific reality. Considering that human life implies the striving for the realization of values, which takes place in and is dependent on social interactions, this problem is then defined as the fact that authoritative allocation of values for the participants in such interactions will necessarily and inevitably take place. It is finally argued that it is both necessary and scientifically fruitful to give political science a wide scope: as regards the participants in the interactions (groups or individuals), the character of the interactions (international, state, or non-state) and the way in which allocations take place (institutionalized or not). Show less
