This study presents an innovative approach to hand-coding parties’ policy preferences in the relatively new, cross-sectoral field of climate change mitigation policy. It applies this approach to... Show moreThis study presents an innovative approach to hand-coding parties’ policy preferences in the relatively new, cross-sectoral field of climate change mitigation policy. It applies this approach to party manifestos in six countries, comparing the preferences of parties in Denmark, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy and the United Kingdom over the past two decades. It probes the data for evidence of validity through content validation and convergent/discriminant validation and engages with the debate on position-taking in environmental policy by developing a positional measure that incorporates ‘pro’ and ‘anti’ climate policy preferences. The analysis provides evidence for the validity of the new measures, shows that they are distinct from comparable measures of environmental policy preferences and argues that they are more comprehensive than existing climate policy measures. The new measures strengthen the basis for answering questions that are central to climate politics and to party politics. The approach developed here has important implications for the study of new, complex or cross-cutting policy issues and issues that include both valence and positional aspects. Show less
Political parties are a crucial link between the public and policy outcomes. However, few studies have considered who political parties are responsive to when they take positions on specific policy... Show morePolitical parties are a crucial link between the public and policy outcomes. However, few studies have considered who political parties are responsive to when they take positions on specific policy proposals. This article explores the links between public opinion and the policy positions of political parties on 102 specific policy proposals in Germany using a novel application of multilevel regression with poststratification to estimate the policy preferences of party supporters. While there is a link between general public preferences and the positions of political parties, this connection weakens considerably once political parties are in government. In fact, the study shows that the link between party positions and general public opinion is severed once parties enter government, whereas it is only weakened in the case of party supporters. Finally, the article finds mixed evidence for differences between niche parties and mainstream parties. Show less
This article shifts the analysis of parliamentary oversight tools to the level of the political party, asking how political parties make use of written parliamentary questions. It theorises that... Show moreThis article shifts the analysis of parliamentary oversight tools to the level of the political party, asking how political parties make use of written parliamentary questions. It theorises that the use of parliamentary questions is related to the ideological and electoral competition between political parties, borrowing from theories on issue competition and negative campaigning. It provides an empirical test, using data on written questions from the lower house in the Netherlands (1994–2014). The analysis shows that parties tend to put questions to ministers whose portfolios are salient to them, in line with issue ownership theories. Moreover they ask questions of both ministers from parties that are ideologically distant and those with whom they have considerable electoral overlap in line with studies of negative campaigning. Show less
This article reviews the case for considering the study of parties and interest organizations together, under the umbrella of “political organizations.” While both literatures are rather... Show moreThis article reviews the case for considering the study of parties and interest organizations together, under the umbrella of “political organizations.” While both literatures are rather disconnected at the moment, we believe that they share many commonalities. A common narrative involves the apparent transformation of parties and interest organizations, as both organizations are continuously adapting to changing environments. In this review, we integrate both literatures and assess arguments for organizational convergence vis-à-vis claims of continuing diversity. Building upon recent work that takes a more joined-up approach, we advance a common research agenda that demonstrates the value and feasibility of studying these organizations in tandem. Show less
This publication provides a set of guiding principles for constitutional reform on the basis of practical experiences of constitutional reform processes in selected countries: Bolivia, Ghana,... Show moreThis publication provides a set of guiding principles for constitutional reform on the basis of practical experiences of constitutional reform processes in selected countries: Bolivia, Ghana, Indonesia, Iraq, Kenya, Malawi, Zimbabwe and South Africa. The focus is on the role of political parties in constitution-building processes. The publication shows that although country-specific reform processes may be unique in terms of objectives, context, popular involvement, and achievements, they go through similar phases: preparatory, consultative, drafting, and implementation. All cases illustrate the political nature of constitutional reform and the central role of political parties in the process. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
The African National Congress (ANC), founded in 1912 as the voice of black South Africans, was banned by law on 30 March 1960, nine days after the Sharpeville massacre and at a time of... Show moreThe African National Congress (ANC), founded in 1912 as the voice of black South Africans, was banned by law on 30 March 1960, nine days after the Sharpeville massacre and at a time of unprecedented international pressure directed at the racial policies of the government of South Africa. The ANC remained illegal until 2 February 1990, when President De Klerk unbanned it, together with other illegal organizations. The ANC's period in exile may therefore be defined as lasting from 1960 to 1990. For most of that period the ANC leadership was based abroad, as were many of its most active rank and file members. The author first sketches the history of the ANC before its banning and then goes on to describe the main developments which affected the organization during its period in exile Show less
Les années 1980 en Afrique du Sud peuvent être caractérisées sous bien des aspects comme une période de transition, et l'UDF a été le vecteur principal des changements intervenus pendant cette... Show moreLes années 1980 en Afrique du Sud peuvent être caractérisées sous bien des aspects comme une période de transition, et l'UDF a été le vecteur principal des changements intervenus pendant cette période qui a commencé avec un héritage important de Black Consciousness et qui s'est terminée par la ré-affirmation de l'ANC et de ses alliés comme la force dominante de la vie politique noire. L'auteur passe en revue le rôle et la nature de l'UDF dès son lancement en 1983, son choix pour la formule du front, ses partenaires et son évolution jusqu'à nos jours. Si l'UDF n'a pas dirigé les luttes des années 1980, il a servi de creuset au sein duquel toutes sortes de revendications nationales et locales ont fusionné pour se transformer en défi sans précédent pour l'État de l'apartheid. L'UDF a très fortement contribué à rehausser la popularité de l'ANC. En même temps un style de politique populaire nouveau a été créé, un contenu nouveau a été formulé, qui transformeront à leur tour l'ANC. Show less
