본고는 통일의식 연구에서 그동안 활용되지않았던 컨조인트 분석(conjoint analysis)을통해 한국 국민의 통일방식을 더 세부적이고정밀하게 측정하는 데 목적을 둔다. 통일의식을 측정하는 기존 연구 방법론은 직접 단답형다항 선택식 문항으로 통일의 필요성, 시기, 통일관, 통일한반도의 정치체제 등 최종 체제에 관한 질문으로 측정해왔다. 그런데 각... Show more본고는 통일의식 연구에서 그동안 활용되지않았던 컨조인트 분석(conjoint analysis)을통해 한국 국민의 통일방식을 더 세부적이고정밀하게 측정하는 데 목적을 둔다. 통일의식을 측정하는 기존 연구 방법론은 직접 단답형다항 선택식 문항으로 통일의 필요성, 시기, 통일관, 통일한반도의 정치체제 등 최종 체제에 관한 질문으로 측정해왔다. 그런데 각 변수 내 선택지에 대한 선호 혹은 비선호의 강도를 측정할 수 없었기에 어느 조건이 더 중요하게 여겨지는지 알 수 없었다. 따라서 기존 조사 결과를 활용한 복합적 정책 설계는 한계가존재한다. 본 연구는 컨조인트 분석이라는 실험적 조사설계를 활용하여 통일 후의 정치체제, 북한 지도부 정리, 노동당 당원 정리, 남한기업의 북한 경제참여, 북한 지역 군대 주둔문제 등 여러 차원의 속성수준으로 설문지를구성하여 실제 선호도를 도출하고자 한다. 연구 결과는 연합제보다 단일민주 정부에 대한선호, 노동당 당원에 대한 민감한 직위의 배제와 지도부의 기소 등 여러 차원에서 강한 선호가 나타났다. 본 연구는 한국 국민의 통일방안에 대한 구체적인 선호를 보여줌으로써, 통일이 갑작스럽게 이루어질 경우, 통일에 대한 정책설계를 위한 유익한 자료를 제공할 것으로 기대된다. Show less
In recent decades, countries around the globe have taken measures to stop sexual exploitation of children by transnational offenders. But despite the growing attention for this problem, scientific... Show moreIn recent decades, countries around the globe have taken measures to stop sexual exploitation of children by transnational offenders. But despite the growing attention for this problem, scientific research about sexual exploitation of children in the context of travel and tourism (SECTT) is in its infancy. Using a novel application of the theoretical framework of guardianship to SECTT, this doctoral dissertation investigates the role of third parties in combating child sexual exploitation by transnational offenders. How can governments, in both destination and sending countries, enact guardianship against SECTT? To what extent can individual citizens, like you and me, help to stop it? And which lessons can be learned for more effective policy?The studies in this book illustrate the possibilities and challenges for governments and citizens to enact guardianship against SECTT, while demonstrating different research methods that can be used to bring more light to this under-researched problem. Highlighting the importance of perceptions, unpicking the responsibilities of sending countries, and at times challenging popular conceptions, the book’s timely plea against superficial solutions draws attention to the need for more evidence-based policy. Those involved in child protection, from academics to practitioners, will find the material in this book an insightful starting point to inform new ways of confronting SECTT. Show less
On 31 January 2020 the United Kingdom (UK) left the European Union (EU). In the European Parliament (EP), Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) cried together and folded flags. It marked the... Show moreOn 31 January 2020 the United Kingdom (UK) left the European Union (EU). In the European Parliament (EP), Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) cried together and folded flags. It marked the end of an era. At the end of that year, after much agony, the EU-UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement (TCA) was signed on 24 December 2020 and the ratification was completed in April 2021. The TCA allows both entities tariff-free, quota-free access to markets for goods. Services are not part of the TCA. Part of the agreement are also fishing rights as well as cooperation in the area of security (e.g., in the area of information sharing security related to matters of internal security), but no mention of security and defence collaboration. There are still many unresolved issues. Some of these issues involve fishing matters (Reuters, 2021). But collaboration in security and defence matters is also crucial as demonstrated by the need to deal with the war in Ukraine that erupted following the Russian invasion on 24 February. Show less
This article seeks to examine seventeenth-century public diplomacy through the combined lens of print and pageantry. Both are rarely discussed alongside each other in contributions on early modern... Show moreThis article seeks to examine seventeenth-century public diplomacy through the combined lens of print and pageantry. Both are rarely discussed alongside each other in contributions on early modern diplomacy, news media, and correspondence networks. It will be shown that ceremonial rituals and theatrical entertainments were nonetheless oft-discussed subjects in French-language pamphlets of the seventeenth century on diplomatic events, policies, and debates. This study argues that such events could constitute the focus of a pamphlet or surface as an important theme or reference point on the basis of which authors could build arguments, introduce or defend diplomatic agendas, or propose new solutions to a political conflict or dilemma. Pamphlets on the Habsburg-Bourbon marriages of 1614–1615, held at Marsh’s Library in Dublin within the collection of the English theologian and scholar Edward Stillingfleet (1635–1699), and the tour of Marie de Médicis (1575–1642), the exiled Queen Mother of France, across the Low Countries in 1638, kept in the Bibliotheca Thysiana of the Leiden University Library, will be discussed as tools for the public diplomacy of a wide range of transnational stakeholders. Show less
Political parties take positions and make decisions on many policies that directly influence important parts of the lives of their voters. These policies include issues like raising the retirement... Show morePolitical parties take positions and make decisions on many policies that directly influence important parts of the lives of their voters. These policies include issues like raising the retirement age, lending money to large companies that face bankruptcy, or deploying soldiers to Afghanistan. But do political parties take into account the policy preferences of the general public and their own voters when making such decisions? And to what extent do interest groups influence political parties’ positions and decisions on these policy issues? This dissertation studies these important questions across a range of wealthy, Northwestern European democracies with strong democratic credentials, covering dozens of political parties, policy issues and even more interest groups and other policy advocates. Show less
This thesis argues that lobbying was an important phenomenon in the seventeenth-century and that it had far-reaching influence on the course of history. Seventeenth-century lobbying took the form... Show moreThis thesis argues that lobbying was an important phenomenon in the seventeenth-century and that it had far-reaching influence on the course of history. Seventeenth-century lobbying took the form of petitions, personal relations, and pressure through public opinion. The importance of lobbying means that people (including ordinary people) could be more important than large organizations such as the WIC for, for example, the colonial empire. An example of successful lobby includes the introduction of regulations governing the storage of sugar during the night. This quality amelioration was an initiative of the sugar producers and not of the Company. Another example is the successful lobby by the Brazilian inhabitants to not only employ enslaved Africans, but to also force the indigenous population into slave labor on the sugar plantations. Moreover, within the Dutch Republic people were forced to tone down their reports or to alter their opinion because of 'political sensitivities'. It is interesting that lobbying alliances transcended traditional boundaries in society. This means that Jews lobbied with Christians, women with men, soldiers with captains, French people with Scotts and Hollanders, and inhabitants of The Hague together with citizens in Middelburg, Leiden, and Dordrecht.In other words, people made a difference. Show less
Met de door hem ontwikkelde Global Index on Legal Recognition of Homosexual Orientation (GILRHO) geeft Kees Waaldijk op een schaal van nul tot acht aan, hoe ver een land is met het uit het... Show moreMet de door hem ontwikkelde Global Index on Legal Recognition of Homosexual Orientation (GILRHO) geeft Kees Waaldijk op een schaal van nul tot acht aan, hoe ver een land is met het uit het strafrecht halen van homoseksualiteit, met het verbieden van homodiscriminatie en met het erkennen van gelijkgeslachtelijke stellen. Elk land kan in totaal acht punten krijgen voor belangrijke juridische stappen inzake homoseksuele gerichtheid: decriminalisering, gelijke leeftijdsgrenzen in het strafrecht, verbod van discriminatie in de arbeid, verbod van discriminatie bij goederen en diensten, erkenning van ongehuwd samenwonen, invoering van geregistreerd partnerschap, openstelling van adoptie, en openstelling van het huwelijk. Indien een bepaalde stap slechts in een deel van een land is gezet, levert dat een halve punt op in GILRHO. Deze index is nog in ontwikkeling, maar de voorlopige waarden voor de meeste landen van de wereld van 1961 tot 2015 kunnen al vergeleken worden met andere indicatoren (zoals Gross Domestic Product per capita, of uitkomsten van de World Values Survey met betrekking tot homoseksualiteit). Dat wordt zichtbaar gemaakt in de moving bubble chart die Kees Waaldijk ontwikkeld heeft in samenwerking met Derk Geene MSc, Jingshu ZhuLLM en het Centre for Innovations van Universiteit Leiden. Zie de screen-shots in de online hand-out bij deze lezing, en zie ook het persbericht over deze lezing op www.law.leidenuniv.nl/nieuws/waaldijk-presenteert-global-index.html. De samenhang tussen GILRHO enerzijds en economische ontwikkeling anderzijds is sterk. Wisselwerking lijkt waarschijnlijk. Dat geldt ook voor de relatie tussen GILRHO en maatschappelijke opvattingen over homoseksualiteit en homoseksuelen. De spreker heeft de opzet van GILRHO, plus de GILRHO data voor 39 landen over alle jaren van sinds 1980, eerder uitgebreid gepresenteerd in een rapport dat hij samen met Lee M.V. Badgett et al. schreef: The Relationship between LGBT Inclusion and Economic Development: An Analysis of Emerging Economies, Los Angeles & Washington DC: The Williams Institute at UCLA School of Law & US Agency for International Development, 2014. Show less
Why can vigilantes count on public support? Why do citizens in certain cases oppose the formal prosecution and punishment of vigilantes? Are such reactions an indication of lacking confidence in... Show moreWhy can vigilantes count on public support? Why do citizens in certain cases oppose the formal prosecution and punishment of vigilantes? Are such reactions an indication of lacking confidence in the criminal justice system? Or do situational aspects perhaps also play a role? The goal of this dissertation is to explain public support for vigilantism. In two studies, respondents were presented with a fictional case about vigilantism and answered related questions. The findings of both studies show that support for vigilantism cannot be interpreted automatically as a sign that confidence in the criminal justice system is lacking: situational characteristics have an independent influence on support. The results also reveal that support for vigilantism is a complex concept. People are not simply for or against vigilantism; responses to vigilantism are more nuanced. People can for instance feel little empathy for the victim of vigilantism, but at the same time express a desire for punishment of the vigilante. Additionally, a higher level of confidence in the courts and criminal justice system led to less support for vigilantism, while confidence in police did not play a role. Lastly, general support for vigilantism was an important predictor of support for a specific case. Show less
