This study was commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the AFCO Committee. It examines the evolving role of the... Show moreThis study was commissioned by the European Parliament’s Policy Department for Citizens’ Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the AFCO Committee. It examines the evolving role of the European Council in the EU’s constitutional structure. As the study demonstrates, the increasing tendency of theEuropean Council to instruct other EU institutions and its limited accountability have established an increasing gap between its de jure role under the EU Treaties and its de facto power in the larger system of EU governance. Show less
Upholding Standards; Unsettling Conventions argues that proposals for a statutory role for the Independent Adviser on Ministers’ Interests and putting the Ministerial Code on a legal footing would... Show moreUpholding Standards; Unsettling Conventions argues that proposals for a statutory role for the Independent Adviser on Ministers’ Interests and putting the Ministerial Code on a legal footing would give rise to serious constitutional questions and carry substantial risks of undermining effective political accountability.The report argues that while maintaining standards is critical, this is best done through democratic means, rather than empowering unelected regulators. There are other risks relating to the expansion of the functions of appointed regulators in ways that may not actually enhance their independence, and instead expose those who are given a statutory role as political regulators to a greater risk of legal challenge.The report critically examines several cases, including that of the former Prime Minister Boris Johnson, former Deputy Prime Minister Dominic Raab, and a number of MPs forced into by-elections for standards issues, to conclude that the current method of accountability, which takes place in the public eye, is robust enough to bring down even the most senior politicians accused of wrongdoing – and that there is no need to hand matters over to unelected regulators, which would only mire the process in court cases and bureaucratic delays and bring the system further into disrepute. Show less
This book discusses theories of crisis management and the radical right, to shed light on how responses to crisis influence radical right parties in their presence, discourse, and evolution. The... Show moreThis book discusses theories of crisis management and the radical right, to shed light on how responses to crisis influence radical right parties in their presence, discourse, and evolution. The book offers a comparative perspective by examining case studies with various traditions of radical right actors, presenting data on how crisis exploitation can assist in exploring, reconsidering, bargaining, and learning about the prospects of change of political parties.The book focuses on the debate on radicalization and crisis management. Similar to the already existing economic, political, post-Brexit, and migration crises in Europe, discourses of fear around the latest health crisis are paving the way for further radicalised discourse from the far right. The book looks into how radical right parties in Europe have responded to these crises. It monitors and explores how crisis exploitation impacts political strategies, opportunity-seeking behaviours, and the evolution of the discourse of radical right parties in the contemporary political landscape.Therefore, this book is a must-read for researchers, students, and policy-makers, interested in a better understanding of populism, radical right parties, electoral studies, as well as comparative politics in general. Show less
In 2021, Mauritius enacted a law which criminalises “misrepresenting the sovereignty of Mauritius over any part of its territory”, part of its long-running campaign against Britain’s sovereignty... Show moreIn 2021, Mauritius enacted a law which criminalises “misrepresenting the sovereignty of Mauritius over any part of its territory”, part of its long-running campaign against Britain’s sovereignty over the strategically crucial Chagos Islands. Anyone, anywhere in the world who breaks the Mauritian law can be prosecuted and imprisoned for up to 10 years.In other words, it is now a crime under Mauritian law for any British official, parliamentarian, contractor, or even academic to express support for the United Kingdom’s sovereignty over the Chagos Islands, which has been exercised uninterruptedly since 1814, is enshrined in UK law, and which was acknowledged by the post-independence government of Mauritius until 1984.Policy Exchange today calls on the UK Government to denounce the law as an attempt to intimidate UK officials, businesses, and members of the Chagossian diaspora critical of Mauritius, as well as a breach of international legal principles. It should also provide guarantees to UK officials and parliamentarians that the government will support their right to freely express their views on the future of the islands.Policy Exchange’s paper – supported with a Foreword from former Lord Chancellor and Justice Secretary Rt Hon Sir Robert Buckland KBE KC MP, makes it clear that such intimidation is unacceptable, until the law is repealed, the UK should limit high-level contacts with Mauritius over the future of the Chagos Islands, as well as consider suspending foreign aid to Mauritius. Show less
The primacy of territorial control in theories of civil war has advanced our understanding of war dynamics, most notably lethal violence, but has hindered our understanding of the distinct ways in... Show moreThe primacy of territorial control in theories of civil war has advanced our understanding of war dynamics, most notably lethal violence, but has hindered our understanding of the distinct ways in which armed groups seek control over people. We propose to complement territorial control by separately conceptualising social control, which we define as the extent to which armed groups have access to people and their resources. Access to people requires different tactics compared to access to territory, because people are mobile. We develop a framework in which state and non-state armed groups choose whether to prioritise territorial or social control first in order to gain sovereignty, which requires both territorial and social control. Alternatively, armed groups choose to pursue territorial control or social control only, resulting in corridors or social networks, respectively. We illustrate the advantages of the framework by showing how it allows us to analyse armed groups’ tactics to control access to people, to connect research agendas on armed group violence, governance, and civilian displacement, and to better conceptualise armed group power and strength. Show less
This article provides a novel systematic exploration of ways and extents that institutional characteristics shape legitimacy beliefs toward multistakeholder global governance. Multistakeholderism... Show moreThis article provides a novel systematic exploration of ways and extents that institutional characteristics shape legitimacy beliefs toward multistakeholder global governance. Multistakeholderism is often argued to offer institutional advantages over intergovernmental multilateralism in handling global problems. This study examines whether, in practice, perceptions of institutional purpose, procedure, and performance affect legitimacy assessments regarding this form of global governance. The analysis focuses on the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), one of the largest and most institutionally developed global multistakeholder arrangements. Evidence comes from a mixed-methods survey of 467 participants in ICANN. We find that this representative sample accords high importance in principle to many institutional features, and also rates the actual institutional operations of ICANN quite highly on various counts. Moreover, many institutional characteristics associate significantly with participants' legitimacy beliefs toward ICANN. However, not all institutional qualities have this significance, and the relevance of individual- and societal-level circumstances indicates that institutional sources do not provide a full explanation of legitimacy. The article contributes refinements to theory of legitimacy in global governance; demonstrates the value of mixed-methods survey work in this field; supplies unique original data and analysis; and identifies implications for the politics of (de)legitimation around multistakeholderism. Show less
On 26 July 2012, Mario Draghi declared in front of a group of about 200 London business people that he would do ‘whatever it takes to save the euro’.1 These seven words have been analysed to have... Show moreOn 26 July 2012, Mario Draghi declared in front of a group of about 200 London business people that he would do ‘whatever it takes to save the euro’.1 These seven words have been analysed to have made all the difference.2 By doing so, the European Central Bank (ECB) effectively ended a long period of uncertainty and indecisiveness. The markets needed a strong signal so that they knew that the young European currency would be supported politically and economically. After summer 2012, the euro area did not experience the same level of crisis, although the sovereign debt crisis was truly resolved only in 2015 and there were still challenging times until then. Show less
Civilian self-protection is often associated with nonviolent means of protection. This chapter questions this view and argues that certain types of armed self-defence can be understood as... Show moreCivilian self-protection is often associated with nonviolent means of protection. This chapter questions this view and argues that certain types of armed self-defence can be understood as expressions of civilian protection agency. Specifically, it examines the consequences of the activities of community-initiated part-time militias during the war in Mozambique, drawing on a data set of violent events compiled from archival sources and interviews. Through this case study, it explores in what ways and under what conditions these more contentious and more risky forms of civilian self-protection help reduce violence against civilians during wartime and contribute to protection outcomes. The chapter shows how any effect in terms of protection was a temporary one, as the rebels quickly adapted and learned how to respond to the new armed challenge. Overall, the chapter emphasizes the dynamic character of war, shaped by learning processes on both the part of civilians and rebels. Show less
This chapter offers an inquiry into how EMU has been conceptualized in the European Union by analysing the path taken over the past five decades. The definition of what is on the agenda, and... Show moreThis chapter offers an inquiry into how EMU has been conceptualized in the European Union by analysing the path taken over the past five decades. The definition of what is on the agenda, and considered part of the scope of EMU, has had a major impact on what EMU actually covers. In the early years, the focus was on exchange rates, policy coordination, and central banking. In the second part, macroeconomic policy coordination with limits on budgetary deficits and public debt took centre stage. The third period added the importance of banking regulation. The most recent period is branching out into the early steps of fiscal federalism. These topics had been considered when conceptualizing early plans, but had not been developed, as there was insufficient consensus for actionable points, leading to asymmetries. Revisions to EMU followed the various crises, for example the financial crisis and sovereign debt crisis, and most recently the COVID-19 crisis. Theories of European economic and political integration impacted the creation of EMU at the time of its design, but the pragmatic understanding of what was feasible was at least as important for determining what became part of the institutional design of EMU. Show less
