Confronted with high unemployment figures and widespread poverty among the black population, one of the priorities of the first postapartheid government of South Africa has been to combat poverty... Show moreConfronted with high unemployment figures and widespread poverty among the black population, one of the priorities of the first postapartheid government of South Africa has been to combat poverty among its population by enlarging employment opportunities. It is generally accepted that this policy will have a large impact on the number of foreigners called to work in South Africa. By taking Swaziland, where data were collected in 1990, as a case study, this article investigates the impact on the capacity of Swazi rural households to survive, if the possibility for international labour migration should become constrained. The paper first investigates whether common socioeconomic characteristics can be identified among homesteads whose survival is threatened. Next, it investigates the possibilities and constraints for returning migrants to find employment in Swaziland. In the final section, conclusions are presented on the prospects of Swazi rural households to survive without migrant labour to South Africa. The main finding is that in the short run relatively 'young' households, with few working members and a weak economic position in the local rural economy, are among the most vulnerable. In the long run the survival of most Swazi households with migrants in South Africa is at stake. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum Show less
This article traces the development of corruption in one part of Africa - Seychelles - in a global context. It demonstrates how the ease with which capital can be transferred and commodities... Show moreThis article traces the development of corruption in one part of Africa - Seychelles - in a global context. It demonstrates how the ease with which capital can be transferred and commodities bought and sold and the speed of modern communication in general have been given considerable impetus to the linking of corrupt practices across borders, and that this process of transnational corruption was considerably encouraged by the Cold War. After independence in 1976 Seychelles was subject to intense international diplomatic and military activity, often of a covert nature, due largely to the islands' strategic location, which made them an asset both in US-Soviet rivalry in the Indian Ocean and in the more localized patterns of conflict stemming from South Africa's drive to assert its hegemony in southern Africa. This led to attempts to subvert or influence the islands' government by bribery and by force, while more powerful governments and business interests associated with political parties as far afield as Italy manipulated Seychelles' status as a sovereign State in order to perform various transactions of dubious legality. There is some evidence also that the islands were used for financial transactions by arms dealers and as a staging post for drug trafficking. Notes, ref Show less
Since the late 1980s evidence has been emerging in support of rumours of South African involvement in the southern African ivory trade from the mid-1960s onwards. There is some evidence that, from... Show moreSince the late 1980s evidence has been emerging in support of rumours of South African involvement in the southern African ivory trade from the mid-1960s onwards. There is some evidence that, from the early mid-1970s, elements of the South African government and its security forces began actively to encourage their allies in Rhodesia, Mozambique and Angola to acquire ivory and sell it through South Africa. The first really authoritative evidence that the South African Defence Force (SADF) was indeed implicated in the ivory trade in Angola especially came from Colonel Jan Breytenbach, one of the founding officers of the South African Special Forces, who had seen active service in southern Angola from 1970 on. An interview with Breytenbach, conducted at his home in the Cape Province on 8 December 1989 by Ross Reeve, working on behalf of the Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA), is reproduced here. In the interview, Breytenbach gives considerable detail concerning his earlier allegations that UNITA had smuggled ivory on a huge scale for many years, in complicity with officers of the SADF. A brief postscript notes that considerable doubt remains as to the precise degree of SADF involvement in the ivory trade and that the South African government has instituted (in 1994) a judicial inquiry into the alleged smuggling of and illegal trade in ivory and rhinoceros horn. Show less
South Africa's policy of destabilisation of neighbouring countries was closely associated with the rise of South Africa as a leading middleman in the international ivory trade. South African-based... Show moreSouth Africa's policy of destabilisation of neighbouring countries was closely associated with the rise of South Africa as a leading middleman in the international ivory trade. South African-based traders, acting in partnership or with protection from officers of the South African Military Intelligence Directorate, imported raw ivory from Angola, Mozambique and points further north and re-exported it to markets in the Far East. This was a source of income both for the South African secret services and for individuals associated with them. The same trade routes were also used for trade in other goods, including rhino horn, drugs, gems, currency and weapons. This was not only as a means of earning money but also a technique of destabilisation in itself. The extent of South Africa's involvement in this trade, although suspected by some conservationists, was difficult to prove and did not form the target of any concerted campaign by the leading conservation groups world-wide. In this respect, the strength of the South Africa lobby in the World-Wide Fund for Nature seems to have played a significant role. Since the ending of South Africa's military presence in Namibia and Angola in 1989, the Military Intelligence officers, Special Forces officers and others who conducted the wars for the defence of white South Africa have been intent on the struggle inside South Africa itself. There is evidence that such counter-insurgency specialists are now using Mozambique in particular as a base for operations inside South Africa. Moreover, they continue to have an interest in the ivory and rhino horn trades. Former officers of specialist counter-insurgency units have also found employment as game wardens in national parks. The bold proposals currently being implemented to create large new game parks along the South African-Mozambican border, using modern management techniques and involving local communities in their management, have important implications for politics and national security. Show less
The chapters in this collection record a workshop held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, in April 1991, on African languages, development and the State. The book is divided into an... Show moreThe chapters in this collection record a workshop held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, in April 1991, on African languages, development and the State. The book is divided into an introductory chapter, by Richard Fardon and Graham Furniss, and three parts. Part 1, West Africa, contains papers by Ayo Bamgbose (multilingualism), C. Magbaily Fyle (policy toward Krio in Sierra Leone), Mamoud Akanni Igu‚ and Raphael Windali N'ou‚ni (the politics of language in B‚nin), Ben Ohi Elugbe (minority language development in Rivers and Bendel States, Nigeria), Gillian F. Hansford (mother tongue literacy among the Chumburung speakers in Ghana). Part 2, Central and Southern Africa, contains papers by J.M.M. Katupha (language use in Mozambique), Jean Benjamin (language and the struggle for racial equality in the development of a non-racial southern African nation), Nhlanhla P. Maake (a new language policy for post-apartheid South Africa), James Fairhead (linguistic pluralism in a Bwisha community, eastern Zaire), Wim van Binsbergen (minority languages in Zambia (Nkoya) and Botswana (Kalanga)). Part 3, East Africa, contains papers by Gnter Schlee (loanwords in Oromo and Rendille), Jan Blommaert (the metaphors of modernization in Tanzanian language policy), David Parkin (Arabic, Swahili and the vernaculars in Kenya). Show less
Using four official investigations by the ANC into human rights abuses perpetrated by the organization during its years in exile, as well as a number of other sources, this article summarizes what... Show moreUsing four official investigations by the ANC into human rights abuses perpetrated by the organization during its years in exile, as well as a number of other sources, this article summarizes what has been established concerning the ANC's security apparatus in the 1980s, and in particular its response to indiscipline, espionage and widespread criticism by rank and file members of its armed wing, 'Umkhonto we Sizwe', in the period 1981-1984. This is compared with an earlier, and less well-documented, wave of unrest in 1967-1969. In doing so, the article concludes that the nature of the ANC in exile changed markedly in the period due to the organization's militarization under the guidance of the South African Communist Party (SACP), which after 1969 became the dominant force within the ANC's exile leadership, or the External Mission of the ANC as it was formally styled. The ANC security organ became known as 'Mbokodo', a Xhosa word designating a stone used for grinding maize, generally regarded as 'a euphemism for the harshness with which the Department treated its victims'. Show less
Certains éléments des forces de sécurité sud-africaines ont mis en exploitation les ressources naturelles au profit de leurs stratégies de déstabilisation politique et d'enrichissement. Ils ont... Show moreCertains éléments des forces de sécurité sud-africaines ont mis en exploitation les ressources naturelles au profit de leurs stratégies de déstabilisation politique et d'enrichissement. Ils ont ainsi réussi à établir des réseaux très développés de contrebande de produits naturels de valeur (ivoire, gemmes, cornes de rhinocéros, drogue), servant à financer les aides militaires livrées par l'Afrique du Sud aux mouvements contra-révolutionnaires en Afrique australe et sont parvenus à infiltrer en profondeur le WWF International. Désormais bien implantées au Parc Kruger, ces mêmes forces anti-insurrectionnelles participent à des actions politiques au sein même de l'Afrique du Sud et pourraient éventuellement constituer dans ces réserves de véritables zones militarisées. Notes, réf., rés. en français et en anglais (p. 165). (Publié en anglais dans: Journal of Southern African Studies, vol. 20, no. 1 (1994), p. 53-69, sous le titre: Of elephants and men: politics and nature conservation in South Africa.) Show less
Sum.: For 40 years (1950-1990) the South African Communist Party (SACP) was banned by a government that represented international communism as the source of all political evil. The conditions of... Show moreSum.: For 40 years (1950-1990) the South African Communist Party (SACP) was banned by a government that represented international communism as the source of all political evil. The conditions of exile go some way towards explaining the SACP's continuing attachment to Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy. As the Communist Party of the Soviet Union collapsed, followed by the USSR itself, the SACP did not renounce its faith in Marxism-Leninism. Its reaction was simply to admit the failings of socialism in Eastern Europe and then continue much as before. The practical consequences of the quasi-Stalinist regime which the SACP introduced in ANC camps in Angola, especially, were unknown to people back home in South Africa. The fact that the SACP was such a militant foe of apartheid, but did not have a record in government to defend, has contributed to its popularity among black South Africans today. It is arguably the only communist party in the world whose popularity is on the increase. Show less
The African National Congress (ANC), founded in 1912 as the voice of black South Africans, was banned by law on 30 March 1960, nine days after the Sharpeville massacre and at a time of... Show moreThe African National Congress (ANC), founded in 1912 as the voice of black South Africans, was banned by law on 30 March 1960, nine days after the Sharpeville massacre and at a time of unprecedented international pressure directed at the racial policies of the government of South Africa. The ANC remained illegal until 2 February 1990, when President De Klerk unbanned it, together with other illegal organizations. The ANC's period in exile may therefore be defined as lasting from 1960 to 1990. For most of that period the ANC leadership was based abroad, as were many of its most active rank and file members. The author first sketches the history of the ANC before its banning and then goes on to describe the main developments which affected the organization during its period in exile Show less
This anthology explains and highlights the 'political culture' of those people taxonomically referred to in South African racial legislation as "Coloured". It is based on articles written for a... Show moreThis anthology explains and highlights the 'political culture' of those people taxonomically referred to in South African racial legislation as "Coloured". It is based on articles written for a journal called 'The Educational Journal', which was, and still is, the official magazine of the Teachers' League of South Africa. Five sections are considered for inclusion, namely, politics, history, language, literature and education. First a historical and political introduction of events, as they affected the so-called "Coloured" people in, especially the Cape Province, over a period of three hundred years, is given. Show less
