This paper critiques the emergence of Dangote Cement as the dominant player in cement manufacturing in Nigeria. It argues that the changed economic environment General Obasanjo met when he became... Show moreThis paper critiques the emergence of Dangote Cement as the dominant player in cement manufacturing in Nigeria. It argues that the changed economic environment General Obasanjo met when he became president of Nigeria for a second time in 1999 made it difficult for him to continue the nationalisation policies and the expansion of government involvement in several spheres of economic activity that he helped to promote in the 1970s. The realisation that this strategy, which created numerous crony capitalists, was unsustainable resulted in Obasanjo allying with Dangote and promulgating the Backward Integration Programme (BIP) for the local cement industry. This made it possible for Dangote to risk aggressive investment in the capital-intensive cement production business. This strategy achieved public good by rapidly making Nigeria, an oil rent- and import-dependent economy with enormous limestone reserves, self-sufficient in cement production. Show less
Why would the citizens of an oil-producing state continually resist reform-induced petrol price increases, even when subsidy payments are proved to be a serious threat to the capacity of the state... Show moreWhy would the citizens of an oil-producing state continually resist reform-induced petrol price increases, even when subsidy payments are proved to be a serious threat to the capacity of the state to deliver its core constitutional mandates? In this paper, we tackle this question by contending that the difficulty in petrol subsidy implementation in a country like Nigeria has more to do with the clear lack of state legitimacy and public trust, and the recorded cases of political instability entrenched by forced attempts at reforms. By contextualizing the reform efforts in Nigeria within the framework of the relationship between state legitimacy and reforms, we are able to provide valid insights to a broader understanding of the “whys” of public resistance to the authority of the state to enforce reform. The Nigerian case, as revealed in this article, provides evidence of a shift in paradigm from the conventional and dominant Weberian emphasis of state legitimacy around the nature and sources of state authorities to a more functional context of citizens’ perception of the governance process as a source of legitimacy. Show less
This paper examines the historical context of census-taking and its importance to development trajectory of Nigeria from 1866 to 2006. Secondary data obtained from five-year national development... Show moreThis paper examines the historical context of census-taking and its importance to development trajectory of Nigeria from 1866 to 2006. Secondary data obtained from five-year national development plans, archival records, in-depth interviews and extant demographic literature were used to determine how population census exercises has evolved in a 140-year period, the problem of counting Nigerians living in Nigeria, and the politics of using population as a yardstick for distributing national wealth. The study shows that nearly all censuses were found to be grossly inadequate, tradition of conducting censuses every ten years has not taken root in Nigeria, and colonial administration as well as post-independence governments grappled with politics of numbers for socio-economic development planning. Despite flaws, the 1991 census remains relatively acceptable amidst fifteen complete and incomplete censuses ever taken in Nigeria in the period under study. Show less
