In the considerable number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa in which political institutions have largely broken down, religious discourse can be seen as an attempted remedy by means of a... Show moreIn the considerable number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa in which political institutions have largely broken down, religious discourse can be seen as an attempted remedy by means of a reordering of power. The numerous popular texts on witchcraft and other perceived forms of evil reflect the preoccupations of Africans with the way in which power is exercised in their societies. Since these texts are particularly concerned with the dangers that can arise when power is not properly organized and controlled, they can be considered a commentary on a world in which power is seen as being too often an instrument of evil people who use it to destroy peace and harmony. This article sketches a theory which clarifies the relationship between religion and politics in Africa. It first discusses what religion is, and how it may best be studied. Then it examines a couple of popular religious texts chosen by way of illustration, before passing on to some further observations on the way in which power is organized and perceived in various African societies. Finally, it draws some conclusions about religion as a political idiom. Show less
This article presents an account of the ideological form and practical exercise of violence among the Chai, a subgroup of the Suri (or Surma) people, agropastoralists in southern Ethiopia. In... Show moreThis article presents an account of the ideological form and practical exercise of violence among the Chai, a subgroup of the Suri (or Surma) people, agropastoralists in southern Ethiopia. In theoretical terms, the general question is addressed of how, on the elementary level of small-scale, relatively traditional society without stratification, central leadership and modern economic features, "violence" is constructed and performed, and how it partly defines the social persona and collectivity of this group, as opposed to others. The author asserts that, while the connections of the Suri with other ethno-cultural groups in a partially shared environment and contacts with State forces are not new - recent political, ecological and other developments have an important transformative impact on their patterns of violence. The past years have shown a serious crisis in the relations between the Chai and their neighbours. Both internal, thus far ritually contained Chai violence, as well as violence towards other groups, tends to break the bounds of custom and to turn into the uninhibited use of force. While it makes available new options for local people, the new violence tends to endanger the coexistence of groups as well as the peace in Chai society itself. Show less
In order to make ends meet, many poor urban households in sub-Saharan Africa fall back on farming activities, either within the city boundaries or in the rural areas from which they come. The... Show moreIn order to make ends meet, many poor urban households in sub-Saharan Africa fall back on farming activities, either within the city boundaries or in the rural areas from which they come. The central question raised in this article is whether access to farmland influences a household's food situation. The findings come from a study on urban agriculture in Korogocho, one of two slum areas in Nairobi, Kenya, where a survey was conducted in 1994. The results suggest that access to land does have a positive impact on the welfare situation of urban households, although not necessarily on the food situation as well. Nonetheless, households with access to a rural plot seem to be better off than households without access to any land, at least in terms of the overall food situation as perceived by the respondents themselves. In addition, households with access to a rural plot only also seem to be better off than those with access to only an urban plot. This would imply that access to rural land is more favourable for a household's food situation than access to urban land. The fact that half of the very poor households in Korogocho claiming to have access to rural land did not use that land themselves further suggests that the situation may be more complex than is generally assumed. Bibliogr., note, sum Show less
In response to the need for further conceptual development in the field of anthropological globalization studies, this article concentrates on the concept of virtuality, arguing that this... Show moreIn response to the need for further conceptual development in the field of anthropological globalization studies, this article concentrates on the concept of virtuality, arguing that this constitutes one of the key concepts for a characterization and understanding of the forms of globalization and provisionally indicates their theoretical relationship. The problematic heritage of a locality-obsessed anthropological tradition (as explored in the article) then provides the analytical framework within which virtuality makes an inspiring topic. The transition from theory to empirical case studies is made by examining the problem of meaning in the African urban environment. Finally, an ethnographic situation is invoked (urban female puberty rites in the towns along the 'Line of Rail' in present-day Zambia) which illustrates particular forms of virtuality as part of the globalization process. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum Show less
This paper presents the findings of a field study carried out in two villages (Kyimo and Ngonga) in Rungwe and Kyela districts of Mbeya region in 1995. These districts, located in southwestern... Show moreThis paper presents the findings of a field study carried out in two villages (Kyimo and Ngonga) in Rungwe and Kyela districts of Mbeya region in 1995. These districts, located in southwestern Tanzania near to the Malawian and Zambian borders, have long been recognized for their great agricultural potential. Now, however, rural population densities have reached critical levels and villagers are experimenting with various non-agricultural activities alongside their agricultural work. The main objectives of the study were to examine the changing features of household control over resources such as land, labour and capital and to document the evolution of non-agricultural labour activities. Changing patterns of land and labour allocation between generations within rural households are explored in relation to these themes. Show less
Despite its ancient history in Ethiopia, Islam has always been a secondary status religion in the country. It emerged in the shadow of Christianity and has often suffered from suppression and... Show moreDespite its ancient history in Ethiopia, Islam has always been a secondary status religion in the country. It emerged in the shadow of Christianity and has often suffered from suppression and discrimination. This has had an impact on the social opportunities, religious and civil rights, and the pattern of self-organization of Ethiopian Muslims. During the last decade, new issues of religious identity and communal political identity among Muslims in Ethiopia have emerged in the wake of political and economic reform processes, and as a result of the process of cultural globalization. This article gives a historical overview of the emergence and development of Islam in Ethiopia, its position in the pre-1974 empire and its relationship with Christianity, and changes under the Mengistu regime (1974-1991), which actively discouraged religion in all its forms. Finally, it discusses developments since 1991, paying special attention to questions of identity and the 'ethnic' dimensions of Islam. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum Show less
Water is voor de economie van de Maasai in Kajiado District (Kenia) van essentieel belang. Dit verklaart de door de Maasai getoonde wil om de beschikbaarheid van water te verbeteren. De... Show moreWater is voor de economie van de Maasai in Kajiado District (Kenia) van essentieel belang. Dit verklaart de door de Maasai getoonde wil om de beschikbaarheid van water te verbeteren. De watervoorraden en -voorzieningen zijn door de toegenomen autonome vraag, maar meer nog door een interactie van met name politiek juridische processen in verleden en heden in toenemende mate onder druk komen te staan. De pogingen van de koloniale en post-koloniale autoriteiten en donoren om de waterproblematiek op te lossen, lagen voornamelijk op het vlak van 'boreholes' (diepe boorgaten). Door technische, financiële en organisatorische problemen die inherent zijn aan 'boreholes', hebben deze weinig bijgedragen aan de oplossing van de heersende waterproblematiek. Het traditionele antwoord van de Maasai om toegang tot voldoende water voor dier en mens veilig te stellen bestaat uit het graven van 'shallow wells' (ondiepe waterputten) in of naast de droge rivierbeddingen. Tot een bepaalde diepte zijn deze waterbronnen een goedkoop en duurzaam alternatief voor de 'boreholes'. De donorgemeenschap zou meer oog moeten hebben voor dergelijke lokale, kleinschalige en goedkopere alternatieven in plaats van moderne, grootschalige en dure technieken. Show less
This paper describes urban farming in Nairobi, Kenya: its magnitude and characteristics, its importance for those involved, the constraints faced by urban farmers, the impact of urban farming on... Show moreThis paper describes urban farming in Nairobi, Kenya: its magnitude and characteristics, its importance for those involved, the constraints faced by urban farmers, the impact of urban farming on the environment, the legal and institutional setting, and the prospects for urban farming. The paper is based on four studies carried out in Nairobi by Diana Lee-Smith et al. (1984-1985), Donald Freeman (1987), Alice Mboganie Mwangi (1994), and Pascale Dennery (1994) Show less
For a sizeable portion of Kenya's coastal population food security is not assured. Furthermore, the current food pattern, which relies heavily on maize and cassava, is lacking in dietary quality... Show moreFor a sizeable portion of Kenya's coastal population food security is not assured. Furthermore, the current food pattern, which relies heavily on maize and cassava, is lacking in dietary quality and variety. This results in nutritional problems among the population which are partly hidden, but which surface most clearly among vulnerable groups such as women and children. These problems can be partly prevented by appropriate caring behaviour. This paper, which is partly based on research carried out in the Coastal Region in 1985-1986, describes food habits, food availability and food adequacy in rural households, energy and nutrient intake by food groups and households, and the nutritional status of children. The final sections examine nutrition programmes and interventions in the Kenya Coast area by governmental and nongovernmental organizations Show less
This thesis illuminates the way in which a complex configuration of factors interacted in the first half of the 20th century to fundamentally transform the Kingdom of Kom in the Bamenda Grassfields... Show moreThis thesis illuminates the way in which a complex configuration of factors interacted in the first half of the 20th century to fundamentally transform the Kingdom of Kom in the Bamenda Grassfields of Cameroon. It examines the impact of colonial and missionary penetration, as well as the responses of various groups of Kom people to colonial and missionary policies. The focus is on the interwar period, during which Kom was confronted with the change from German to British colonial rule. The first part of the study provides background information on the colonization of Cameroon, British indirect rule, and the indigenous political structures of the Kom Kingdom. The second part presents the case study, describing developments in Kom since c. 1913, with a focus on the arrival of the Roman Catholic mission, obstacles encountered by the mission, and responses by traditional authorities and the colonial administration. Part three summarizes the findings and places the case study in perspective. Field research was carried out in the village of Njinikom in the summer of 1994. Show less
This report presents the findings of research conducted between December 1996 and December 1997 in two villages, Kweminyasa and Lukozi, in Lushoto District, Tanzania, and comprising a general... Show moreThis report presents the findings of research conducted between December 1996 and December 1997 in two villages, Kweminyasa and Lukozi, in Lushoto District, Tanzania, and comprising a general broad survey of individuals to determine the pattern of nonagricultural activities over time, a survey of existing nonagricultural enterprises, a survey of Standard Seven schoolchildren's career expectations and attitudes towards work, and an in-depth survey of career patterns of different generations within selected households. The study found a growing incidence of engagement in nonfarm activities beginning in the 1980s, especially as land became scarcer and returns from agriculture stagnated, increasing outmigration of the youthful male population to other districts in the lowlands and urban areas, and declining circular migration to such large towns as Dar es Salaam, Tanga, Moshi and Arusha. Show less
Accounts of South Africa's transition from apartheid differ markedly in the role they attribute to violence. The most influential narratives of negotiations tend to portray the violence of the... Show moreAccounts of South Africa's transition from apartheid differ markedly in the role they attribute to violence. The most influential narratives of negotiations tend to portray the violence of the transition period, including that perpetrated by those networks within and without the security forces which have become known collectively as the Third Force, as a reaction to events, doomed to failure and rather disconnected from the main narrative of history. Newly available evidence shows the degree to which the Third Force was integrated into the policy of the National Party (NP) over a long period (from the 1960s onwards), and played a crucial role in determining the nature and outcome of constitutional negotiations in the period 1990-1994. Concentration on the narrative of negotiations, or any account which fails to give due weight to the perpetrators of organized violence including those who constituted the Third Force, implicitly assigns the violence of 1990-1994 to a position somewhat divorced from, or even antithetical to, the pursuit of negotiations. This has deflected attention from the important question of ascertaining the extent to which the agenda and pace of negotiations, and thus the shape of the eventual political and constitutional outcome, were actually driven by proponents of violence who were able to make their influence felt from outside the conference chamber. Ref., sum Show less