This paper offers a political analysis of the development of the TPLF-induced armed conflict in northern Ethiopia and considers the international responses in media and international policy circles... Show moreThis paper offers a political analysis of the development of the TPLF-induced armed conflict in northern Ethiopia and considers the international responses in media and international policy circles. The extension of the conflict by the TPLF after the unilateral ceasefire proclaimed by the federal government on 28 June 2021 (followed by its retreat from Tigray) did not lead to an easing of the fighting. On the contrary, the TPLF used scorched-earth tactics, perpetrated substantial abuse of civilians (mass killings, burning down villages, destroying and looting hospitals, health centres and other economic infrastructure), and created food scarcity, hundreds of thousands of IDPs and hugely aggravated humanitarian problems in the Amhara and Afar regions. In spite of this unilateral TPLF extension of the armed conflict, the responses of international policy circles, notably from the Western ‘donor countries’ and the UN, have been negative towards the federal government and mild on the TPLF.This paper explores aspects of this paradoxical and problematic approach and argues that it will not lead to a political or other solution of the conflict, especially not in view of the undiminished belligerent strategy of the TPLF. The Ethiopian federal government and its leader PM Abiy Ahmed, having been confirmed in power after a relatively successful and credible parliamentary election on 21 June 2021, are pressurized by much of the global media and Western policy makers for the problems in Tigray – including the ‘famine’ declared by TPLF - and urged to negotiate. The TPLF, incorrectly identified with the people of Tigray as a whole, is not held to account. But an overbearing Western approach based on the threat of sanctions (by the US government) and on what often seem ‘neo-imperialist’ demands, as evident from serious interference in the conflict - even by a number of UN individuals (expelled from the country on 30 September 2021) - will not contribute to political negotiations or dialogue, restoration of peace, or rehabilitation of the war-torn regions, neither to stability in Ethiopia. Not only improved media reporting, based on solid local (Ethiopian) information and checking sources, but also a fundamental reset of certain UN and Western donor country policies on Ethiopia, are needed.RésuméCette étude propose une analyse politique du développement du conflit armé induit par les TPLF dans le nord de l'Éthiopie et examine les réponses internationales dans les médias et les cercles politiques internationaux. L'extension du conflit par le TPLF après le cessez-le-feu unilatéral proclamé par le gouvernement fédéral le 28 juin 2021 (suivi de son retrait du Tigré) n'a pas conduit à un apaisement des combats ; au contraire. Les tactiques de la terre brûlée, les abus sérieux contre les civils (meurtres en masse, incendies de villages, pillage et destruction des hôpitaux et autres infrastructures économiques), la pénurie alimentaire, des centaines de milliers de déplacés internes et des problèmes humanitaires extrêmement aggravés dans les régions d'Amhara et d'Afar en ont été le résultat. Malgré cette extension unilatérale du conflit par le TPLF, les réponses des cercles politiques internationaux, notamment des pays « bailleurs-de-fonds » occidentaux et de l'ONU, ont été négatives envers le gouvernement fédéral mais modérées envers le TPLF. Show less
We use three years of household panel data to analyze the effects of ill-health on household economic outcomes in rural Ethiopia. We examine the immediate effects of various ill-health measures on... Show moreWe use three years of household panel data to analyze the effects of ill-health on household economic outcomes in rural Ethiopia. We examine the immediate effects of various ill-health measures on health expenditure and labor supply, the subsequent coping responses, and finally the effect on income and consumption. We find evidence of substantial economic risk in terms of increased health expenditure and reduced agricultural productivity. Households are able to smooth consumption by resorting to intra-household labor substitution, borrowing and depleting assets. However, maintaining current consumption through borrowing and depletion of assets is unlikely to be sustainable and displays the need for health financing reforms and safety nets that reduce the financial consequences of ill-health. Show less
This thesis investigates the potential contribution of the Dutch private sector, and supportive Dutch Private Sector Development policies, to inclusive development (in terms of outcomes and... Show moreThis thesis investigates the potential contribution of the Dutch private sector, and supportive Dutch Private Sector Development policies, to inclusive development (in terms of outcomes and processes) in Kenya in three sectors: tea, flowers and renewable energy. This study is timely and relevant:- To academia, as to date an explicit link between the international private sector operations in developing countries and their contribution to inclusive development has been little explored.- To Dutch government, as it has been continuously supporting policies and initiatives stimulating private sector and economic development in developing countries since the inception of its bilateral aid.- To the Sustainable Development Agenda debate, as the private sector was identified as one of the main strategic partners to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals.This study applied an exploratory research design with the overarching qualitative method of process tracing. Based on the case studies of Unilever Tea Kenya Limited, the flower sector and Lake Turkana Wind Power (LTWP) project, this research confirmed that inclusive development prompted by the operations of the private sector can contribute to poverty and inequality reduction but not in its full inclusiveness potential. Moreover, the identified inclusive outcomes are proceeded by lengthy and exclusive political processes. These processes are not only exclusive, but also ‘occlusive’ in nature – they happen behind closed doors among groups of carefully selected strategic actors. Hence, I have coined the term ‘occlusive development’. Overall, support given to the private sector in developing countries by the Dutch government is important, but PSD policies need to be more realistic about what the private sector, in the specific context, can actually do to contribute to a specific dimension of inclusive development in a country. Show less
The continued absence of viable vaccines, limited diagnostic tools, insufficient protocol for isolation period, and weak health care system in developing countries with Nigeria inclusive heightens... Show moreThe continued absence of viable vaccines, limited diagnostic tools, insufficient protocol for isolation period, and weak health care system in developing countries with Nigeria inclusive heightens the tension trailing the arrival of Novel SARS-CoV-2 that was officially declared a global health emergency by World Health Organization (WHO) in January 2020. In this context, this study assesses the adequacy and potency of treatment for pneumonia associated with the Novel SARS-CoV-2. Counting from 27th February 2020, exponential rise in cases of SARS-CoV-2 has been recorded in Nigeria. Despite limited data on person-to-person transmission or nosocomial transmission, we report the epidemiological features of a familial cluster of 4 positive cases to SARS-CoV-2 in Nasarawa State, North Central Nigeria. This cluster presented with an unexplained pneumonia after having contact with a family member who died after manifesting symptoms of Novel SARS-CoV-2; the test came outpositive after his demise. Real-time reverse transcriptase polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR) tests for SARS-CoV-2 nucleic acid were performed using nasopharyngeal swabs (Novel Coronavirus PCR Fluorescence Diagnostic Kit, BioGerm Medical Biotechnology at the Nigeria Centre for Disease Control (NCDC) in Abuja. Nigeria. From March 10, 2020, we enrolled a family of four patients out of a family of 10 who were positive to novel coronavirus. Four family members (aged 36-43 years) all presented with fever, upper or lower respiratory tract symptoms, or diarrhea, or a combination of these 3-6 days after exposure. These conditions continued to manifest at the Federal Medical Center, Keffi in Nasarawa State, 3-7 days after symptom onset. Their nasopharyngeal or throat swabs of these 10 family members were taken and four returned positive to coronavirus, while six tested negative. The epidemiological evidence from our study on familial cluster analysis reveals possible transmission of Novel SARS-CoV-2 during the incubation period. Study outcomes underscore the importance of probing contact history of potentially infected individuals, for prompt identification to preventing further spread. Show less
Akinyoade, A.; Agbaye, Y.T.; Olasanmi, O.O.; Olubodun, I.E. 2020
The study assessed home ownership, social costs and wellbeing in self residence in Nigeria using the employees of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife as case study. Structured questionnaire was... Show moreThe study assessed home ownership, social costs and wellbeing in self residence in Nigeria using the employees of Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife as case study. Structured questionnaire was designed to elicit information from 279 respondents that were selected using convenience sampling method. Both descriptive and quantitative methods were employed in the analyses. The study revealed elements of economic and social dysfunctionality brought by dynamics of experiences of homeowners. This was made manifest in the form of personal provisions for water, electricity, roads, and partial completion in homes. It also manifested in the form of qualitative attributes which made it non competitive to discharge some academic responsibilities as effective as it ought to be if camp us residence were made available. Despite the challenges in terms of social costs in home ownership, the cultural orientation of Nigerians still deems it worth it to own a home. The study finally recommended an adjustment in OAU staff housing policy for academic and non-academic staff, and family sizes are getting smaller and families disperse, it behooves that new housing architectural design for housing units responding to evolving family sizes are necessary, and facilitation of Public Private Partnerships (PPPs) for the availability and affordability of public water and electricity supplies. Show less
The study was about the economic impact of covid-19 lockdown and the sustenance of commercial motorcycle operators in Ile-Ife, Osun State, Nigeria. The objective of the study was to compare the... Show moreThe study was about the economic impact of covid-19 lockdown and the sustenance of commercial motorcycle operators in Ile-Ife, Osun State, Nigeria. The objective of the study was to compare the economic position of respondents during the compulsory stay at home order relative to what it was before lockdown. The study was a descriptive survey where questionnaire administration and focus group discussions were employed in order to get necessary information that was used for this study. Results from the study had it that the commercial motorcycle operators made a living within their income earning capacity in their transport operations before the COVID-19 pandemic days. However, due to the lockdown their economic life had been greatly affected because income plunged to zero; this has consistently thrown them into poverty. It was observed that the longer the lockdown, the deeper they are submerged into further depth of poverty. Respondents already concluded that it is certain that some routine basic economic activities that they indulge in cannot resume as soon as the lockdown is eased. This study therefore recommends that government should see to how they can subsidize tuition fee payment for school children as soon as schools resume. This hopefully will minimize idleness which if not look into may lead to breeding social miscreants in the face of inability of parents to quickly raise tuition fees. Show less
In Ethiopia, as elsewhere in Africa, the boundaries of political belonging have always shifted. They continue to do so. Since the 1995 constitution, in a both peculiar and complex manner, ethnicity... Show moreIn Ethiopia, as elsewhere in Africa, the boundaries of political belonging have always shifted. They continue to do so. Since the 1995 constitution, in a both peculiar and complex manner, ethnicity has been included in the apparatus of rights and practices, with often far-reaching consequences for Ethiopian nation-building. Since 1991, citizenship in Ethiopia can hardly be discussed without reference to the post-1991 ethnofederal system, which was the result of the restructuring of domestic politics based on ethnolinguistic criteria. This reformation of the administrative landscape altered interethnic relations, and although justified as an answer to an age-old national question about belonging, and a guarantor for interethnic peace and justice, problems have abounded. In this article, we analyze Ethiopian citizenship in the wider context of global debates on “cultural citizenship.” We examine the bifurcated Ethiopian approach to national and regional citizenship and the language of cultural rights in a historical perspective both as continued subject-making as well as a form of claims-making. Focusing on citizenship and the powers that manifest social boundaries through cultural ascription, we circumvent both the instrumentalist and primordialist gaze on ethnicity and multiculturalism. Ethnicity appears as a reservoir and idiom of political appropriation within an evolving system of state-subject relations that has left the status of citizenship unresolved. Show less
Motivation: Higher education is regarded as a key instrument to enhance socioeconomic mobility andreduce inequalities. Recent literature reviews have examined inequalities in the... Show moreMotivation: Higher education is regarded as a key instrument to enhance socioeconomic mobility andreduce inequalities. Recent literature reviews have examined inequalities in the higher education systemsof high-income countries, but less is known about the situation in low- and middle-income countries,where higher education is expanding fast.Purpose: The article reviews the academic literature on higher education in low- and middle-incomecountries using a research framework inspired by social justice and capability approaches. It considers the financial, socio-cultural, human, and political resource domains on which people draw, and how they relate to access, participation, and outcomes in higher education.Methods: A literature search for studies explicitly discussing in-country inequalities in higher education revealed 22 publications. Substantial knowledge gaps remain, especially regarding the political (and decision-making) side of inequalities; the ideologies and philosophies underpinning higher education systems; and the linkages between resource domains, both micro and macro.Findings: The review highlights key elements for policy-makers and researchers: (1) the financial lens alone is insufficient to understand and tackle inequalities, since these are also shaped by human and other non-financial factors; (2) socio-cultural constructs are central in explaining unequal outcomes; and (3) inequalities develop throughout one’s life and need to be considered during, but also before and afterhigher education. The scope of inequalities is wide, and the literature offers a few ideas for short-term fixes such as part-time and online education.Policy implications: Inclusive policy frameworks for higher education should include explicit goals related to (in)equality, which are best measured in terms of the extent to which certain actions or choices are feasible for all. Policies in these frameworks, we argue, should go beyond providing financial support, and also address socio-cultural and human resource constraints and challenges in retention, performance, and labour market outcomes. Finally, they should consider relevant contextual determinants of inequalities. Show less
This paper examines the productive role of secrecy in the nexus of transnational mobility, kinship, and intimate relations among Ghanaian-Dutch and Somali-Dutch in the Netherlands. Whereas secrecy... Show moreThis paper examines the productive role of secrecy in the nexus of transnational mobility, kinship, and intimate relations among Ghanaian-Dutch and Somali-Dutch in the Netherlands. Whereas secrecy is typically understood as one person concealing knowledge from another, implying the latter’s passivity, we argue that secrecy depends on mutually constitutive interactions. Secrecy is explored as the result of an interaction between those who obscure knowledge in creative ways and those who maintain a not-knowing. The paper analyzes how people negotiate moral expectations regarding sexuality, respect, and loyalty, while also manoeuvring to fulfil their personal aspirations. Especially in kinship relations, when people are bound to each other by moral and social obligations, the management of secrecy often makes people mutually dependent. Secrecy is revealed as skillfully choreographing relations by the ebb and flow of information where kinship, respect, or love and (not-) knowing reinforce another. Show less
This document presents the preliminary findings from the quantitative data generation and analysisconducted as part of the project “Financial decision-making, gender and social norms in Zambia”... Show moreThis document presents the preliminary findings from the quantitative data generation and analysisconducted as part of the project “Financial decision-making, gender and social norms in Zambia”.Using a series of specially designed behavioural experiments,we generated an extensive set of insightsinto the normative environment within which spouses in Eastern Province, Zambia, make decisionsabout individual money holding and saving. Here are some of those insights. Spouses in EasternProvince, Zambia, are willing to compromise household-level earnings in order to maintain individualcontrol over money. Wives, but not husbands, are more likely to compromise household-levelearnings in order tomaintain individual control overmoney, when they can keep thatmoney and theiractions hidden from their spouses. Individually-held behavioural prescriptions, i.e., the “shoulds” and“oughts” that individuals have in mind and reference as guides for their own behaviour and asbenchmarks against which to evaluate others’ behaviour, inform decision-making about maintainingindividual control over money at a cost to the household. Further, when individuals know that theirspouses will find out about their descisions regarding maintaining individual control over money (ornot) at a cost to the household, the individuals take their spouses’ opinions about what they shoulddo into account, i.e., they compromise. There is strong but not unequivocal evidence pointing to theexistence of a social norm, i.e., a “should” or “ought” that is collectively held and enforced bymembers of a community, forbidding saving in secret from one’s spouse, with the secrecy not thesaving being the problem. Assuming it exists, this social norm forbidding saving in secret from one’sspouse applies to both husbands and wives, and this is acknowledged by both husbands and wives.However, the extent to which violations of this norm are tolerated depends on who is doing theviolating and who the evaluating. In patrilineal communities (as compared to matrilinealcommunities), both husbands and wives are especially intolerant of secret saving by husbands and inboth patrilineal and matrilineal communities, wives are less tolerant than husbands of secret savingby husbands and more tolerant than husbands of secret saving by wives. This relative tolerance ofsecret saving by wives notwithstanding, just under one in three wives and one in six husbands thinkthat a man is justified in beating his wife if he discovers that she is saving in an e-wallet or has joineda savings group without his knowledge and, as grounds for wife beating, saving in secret is on a parwith neglecting the children, visiting friends or family in secret and refusing to have sex. For furtherinsights, see the main text of the report. Show less
Building on the limitations of the efforts of aid agencies and non-governmental organisations to pull the poor out of poverty in low- and middle-income countries and declining opportunities for... Show moreBuilding on the limitations of the efforts of aid agencies and non-governmental organisations to pull the poor out of poverty in low- and middle-income countries and declining opportunities for market expansion in high-income countries, microfranchising is being promoted as a pro-poor business model, which promotes entrepreneurship. Sub-Saharan Africa has become a fertile ground for the propagation of this model. However, contemporary studies on microfranchising have not sufficiently explored what motivates people to turn to this method of doing business. Show less
‘Good governance’ has been defined as a necessary condition for (economic) ‘growth’ and ‘development’ not only in in developing world but also in the wealthier, developed nations. This paper seeks... Show more‘Good governance’ has been defined as a necessary condition for (economic) ‘growth’ and ‘development’ not only in in developing world but also in the wealthier, developed nations. This paper seeks to sociologically explore the ‘articulation’ of the ideology of good governance of the post-1991 Ethiopian federal state with versions of legitimate authority, just rule, accountability, economic fairness, etc. with reference to some local ethnic societies in Southern Ethiopia. Similarities and differences will be discussed so as to show that the concept of ‘good governance’ is multi-dimensional and ambivalent, evoking local notions (and expectations) of a just order and the rule of fairness among citizens as well. In the context of Ethiopia, its constant reiteration as a policy aim may thus also have contributed to citizens’ renewed claim-making as well as their rediscovering their own (cultural) notions of just governance. Show less
