[Abstract in English]. This article investigates the possibility of long-term causation in the political history of the Central African Republic. It does so by looking at the biography of... Show more[Abstract in English]. This article investigates the possibility of long-term causation in the political history of the Central African Republic. It does so by looking at the biography of Barthélémy Boganda (1910-1959). It argues that the upheavals of European colonisation at the beginning of the twentieth century – as experienced by Boganda as a child – exercised an enduring influence on his persona and remained relevant for his life and work throughout the later part of the colonial era. Second, the article investigates the persistent relevance of cultural repertoires as ingrained in the religious cosmologies in the region in pre-colonial times for the nature of Boganda’s political leadership. It argues that his charisma was articulated through the behavioural repertoires of the trickster archetype, as described in the pedagogical warnings of pre-colonial regional cosmologies. This betrays the continued relevance of pre-colonial notions of political legitimacy as marked by folly, which is an essential element in the trickster figure. While warning against essentialist interpretations of Central African culture, the article concludes that research into political anthropology could reveal how styles of political deportment among Central African leaders (from politicians to warlords) are possibly fed by older (unhelpfully called ‘pre-colonial’) notions of cunning and brutality, which undergird deeper representations of violence and power.[Abstract in French]. Cet article examine la possibilité de causalités de longue durée dans l’histoire politique de la République centrafricaine. Il s’y attèle à travers une étude biographique de Barthélémy Boganda (1910-1959). Il soutient que les bouleversements induits par la colonisation européenne au début du XXe siècle – tels que vécus par Boganda enfant – ont exercé une influence durable sur sa personnalité et ont continué à avoir un impact sur sa vie et son travail tout au long des dernières années de l’époque coloniale. L’article examine également le fait que les répertoires culturels enracinés dans les cosmologies religieuses de la région depuis l’époque précoloniale sont restés pertinents pour la nature du leadership politique de Boganda. Il soutient que son charisme s’exprimait à travers des répertoires de comportement liés à l’archétype du décepteur ou fripon, tels que décrits dans les admonitions pédagogiques des cosmologies régionales précoloniales. De ce fait, on constate que les notions précoloniales de légitimité politique marquées par la folie, qui sont un élément central de la figure du décepteur, sont restées d’actualité. Tout en mettant en garde contre toute interprétation essentialiste des cultures centrafricaines, l’article conclut que les recherches sur l’anthropologie politique peuvent mettre au jour la manières dont les modes de conduite politique observables chez les leaders centrafricains (des politiciens aux chefs de guerre) pourraient être nourris par des notions anciennes (qualifiées de façon peu idoine de « précoloniales ») de ruse et de brutalité, qui sous-tendent des représentations plus profondes de violence et de pouvoir. Show less
Mali ist eines der ärmsten Länder der Erde und zugleich einer der größten Empfänger von Auslandshilfe. Natürlich wäre es naiv anzunehmen, daß die erheblichen Summen unabhängig von geopolitischen... Show moreMali ist eines der ärmsten Länder der Erde und zugleich einer der größten Empfänger von Auslandshilfe. Natürlich wäre es naiv anzunehmen, daß die erheblichen Summen unabhängig von geopolitischen und strategischen Interessen der Geberländer fließen. In der Tat tendieren die politischen Kreise sowohl in den USA als auch in der EU dazu, Mali aufgrund seiner langen Grenzen zu Mauretanien und Algerien als potenzielle Barriere gegen das Vordringen eines radikalen Islam nach Westafrika zu erachten. Seit dem Ende des Kalten Krieges und dem Zerfall der Sowjetunion, zu der Mali wichtige Beziehungen hatte, wurde das Land von europäischen und amerikanischen Geberinstitutionen als Modell für den Übergang zur Demokratie und für die Umsetzung einer liberalen Wirtschaftspolitik gepriesen. Seit dem 11. September 2001 allerdings, seit es heißt, überall auf der Welt nach Hinweisen auf islamischen ,Fundamentalismus", Islamismus bzw. politischen Islam zu suchen, ist auch Mali ins Visier geraten. Show less
This chapter briefly presents the biography of Londósa, a ritual leader or 'komoru' of the Chari Suri people in southwestern Ethiopia and shows how a personal case study can highlight the social... Show moreThis chapter briefly presents the biography of Londósa, a ritual leader or 'komoru' of the Chari Suri people in southwestern Ethiopia and shows how a personal case study can highlight the social problems of an ethnic group. Suri face a crisis of security and of social continuity. Both their physical security and their food security are at risk, and they have enduring tense relations with neighbouring peoples and with the Ethiopian State. Like other ethnic groups (e.g. Nyangatom, Toposa, Anywaa, Meen) they use armed force to defend themselves or contest resources. The relatively quick "militarization" of societies like the Suri in the last 15 years has brought new problems and challenges. Londósa, as the Suri ritual mediator and leader, recognized the problems emerging and called for restraint to Suri exercise of violence but with little effect. He was powerless to prevent the gradual deterioration of internal social relations in Suri society resulting from this militarization. Feelings of powerlessness and deception with the way Suri society was developing undoubtedly contributed to his early death in June 2000. Includes bibliographical references, notes, and summary [Book abstract] Show less
This chapter reviews the history of anthropology in Namibia, focusing on the work of Guenther Kurt F. Wagner, who was appointed as Assistant Government Anthropologist for South West Africa in 1949... Show moreThis chapter reviews the history of anthropology in Namibia, focusing on the work of Guenther Kurt F. Wagner, who was appointed as Assistant Government Anthropologist for South West Africa in 1949. Wagner's unpublished work, 'Ethnographic survey of the Windhoek district' (1951), shows that Windhoek was not occupied by antagonistic tribes in the 1950s. The study echoes Brigitte Lau's work on southern Namibia which, in contrast to the work of Heinrich Vedder, argues for an understanding of Namibian history which emphasizes cooperation instead of conflict. A new look at Wagner's work shows that in the urban area of Windhoek in the 1950s, there was more unity among the city's black inhabitants than an initial glance would seem to imply. Wagner's work is of particular relevance in Namibia today, where ethnic tension appears to be on the increase. An African Renaissance will be impossible if ethnic tensions do no decrease. Bibliogr., notes. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This chapter first discusses the nature of religious pluralism in Mali, highlighting some of the practices that many Muslims find objectionable and that, therefore, are a major source of tension... Show moreThis chapter first discusses the nature of religious pluralism in Mali, highlighting some of the practices that many Muslims find objectionable and that, therefore, are a major source of tension between Islam and Muslims, on the one hand, and traditional religions and their practitioners, on the other. The author then considers the proselytization activities of one of Mali's most celebrated, contemporary Muslim religious leaders, Sidy Modibo Kane (1925-1996), examining the actual mechanisms of his campaigns in the 1980s and 1990s to spread Islam among non-Muslims and to extirpate allegedly un-Islamic practices, most notably spirit possession, as well as some of the intended and unintended consequences of such proselytization efforts. Show less
This chapter looks at a high-profile Fulbe Muslim religious leader from Mali and explores his relations with the people of the Mande. This Muslim religious leader, El-Hadj Cheikh Sidy Modibo Kane... Show moreThis chapter looks at a high-profile Fulbe Muslim religious leader from Mali and explores his relations with the people of the Mande. This Muslim religious leader, El-Hadj Cheikh Sidy Modibo Kane Diallo of Dilly, in the circle of Nara, is perhaps one of the most influential religious leaders in present-day Mali. The author examines the development of Diallo's "career" as a 'shaykh' and a 'wali' (friend of God). He shows how this career has been constructed in large part through ideological oppositions between Fulbe and Mande/Bambara, as well as through the 'shaykh's interactions with actual Bambara people, particularly his efforts to spread Islam among the country's non-Muslim ("pagan") rural Bambara population and to eradicate the widespread practice of spirit possession. As he suggests, it is in such conversion campaigns that one can see most clearly how individuals - both Fulbe and Bambara - deploy such ideological oppositions. Ultimately, however, the results of such campaigns to spread Islam remain rather ambiguous. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum. in French. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Recent studies have pointed to the relationships between marabouts and power in West Africa. The present author argues that these studies should be broadened to include marabouts not necessarily... Show moreRecent studies have pointed to the relationships between marabouts and power in West Africa. The present author argues that these studies should be broadened to include marabouts not necessarily linked directly to particular regimes, but whose reputations and widespread popularity put them in a complex relationship to power. He presents a biographical note on the most influential marabouts in present-day Mali, Sidy Modibo Kane Diallo, born in 1925 in the town of Dilly, in the cercle of Nara which was then the French Sudan. In 1974 he became the official 'khalifa' of the Kane Diallo family. Today his reputation rests in large part on his efforts to spread Islam in Mali, particularly among the Bambara of Beledugu and Kaarta. Other factors which have served to enhance Sidy's reputation include the yearly 'ziyara' in Dilly and his role as a 'khalifa' of the Quadiriyya brotherhood. His circulation within Mali has been subject to authorization by the Malian State. Wherever he travels, he is received with great fanfare not only by villagers but also by representatives of the State who shower him with gifts and solicit him for blessings. The State cannot fail to recognize the potential benefits of its association with Sidy, and at times seems to act to exploit his influence, although he is not closely linked to the Traor‚ regime. Notes, ref Show less
