This contribution considers the current position of the Ghanaian migrant community in Botswana's capital, Gaborone, at a time of rising xenophobic sentiments and increasing ethnic tensions among... Show moreThis contribution considers the current position of the Ghanaian migrant community in Botswana's capital, Gaborone, at a time of rising xenophobic sentiments and increasing ethnic tensions among the general public. The article examines anthropological understandings of such sentiments by placing them in the context of the study of nationalisms in processes of State formation in Africa and the way in which these ideologies reflect the position and recognition of minorities. In Botswana, identity politics indulge in a liberalist democratic rhetoric in which an undifferentiated citizenship is promoted by the State, concealing on the one hand inequalities between the various groups in the country, but on the other hand defending the exclusive interests of all 'Batswana' against foreign influence through the enactment of what has become known as a 'localization policy'. Like many other nationalities, expatriate labour from Ghana has increasingly become the object of localization policies. However, in their case xenophobic sentiments have taken on unexpected dimensions. By focusing on the general public's fascination with Ghanaian fashion and styles of beautification, the numerous hair salons and clothing boutiques Ghanaians operate, in addition to the newly emerging Ghanaian-led Pentecostal churches in the city, the ambiguous but ubiquitous play of repulsion and attraction can be demonstrated in the way in which localization is perceived and experienced by the migrant as well as by the dominant groups in society. The article concludes by placing entrepreneurialism at the nexus of where this play of attraction and repulsion creates a common ground of understanding between Ghanaians and their host society, despite the government's hardening localization policies. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum. in English and French. [Journal abstract] Show less
Beek, W.E.A.van; Fumerton, M.A.; Pansters, Wil G. 2003
This collective volume reinterprets the genre of resistance studies, introduces recent conceptual perspectives and considers examples of African (civil) wars and insurgent movements. Contributions... Show moreThis collective volume reinterprets the genre of resistance studies, introduces recent conceptual perspectives and considers examples of African (civil) wars and insurgent movements. Contributions: Rethinking resistance in African history, an introduction, by Klaas van Walraven and Jon Abbink. Part I (Historical perspectives): Resistance to Fulbe hegemony in nineteenth-century West Africa, by Mirjam de Bruijn and Han van Dijk; Colonial conquest in central Madagascar: who resisted what?, by Stephen Ellis; Revisiting resistance in Italian-occupied Ethiopia: the Patriots' Movement (1936-1941) and the redefinition of post-war Ethiopia, by Aregawi Berhe. Part 2 (Social inequalities and colonial hierarchies): Ambiguities of resistance and collaboration on the Eastern Cape Frontier: the Kat River Settlement 1829-1856, by Robert Ross; African mutinies in the Netherlands East Indies: a nineteenth-century colonial paradox, by Ineke van Kessel; Absence of evidence is no proof: slave resistance under German colonial rule in East Africa, by Jan-Georg Deutsch. Part 3 (Violence, meaning and ideology in resistance): The Kawousan War reconsidered, by Kimba Idrissa; 'Sawaba''s rebellion in Niger (1964-1965): narrative and meaning, by Klaas van Walraven; The vagaries of violence and power in post-colonial Mozambique, by Gerhard Seibert. Part 4 (Resistance as heritage and memory): Herero genocide in the twentieth century: politics and memory, by Jan-Bart Gewald; 'Namibia, land of the brave': selective memories on war and violence within nation building, by Henning Melber; Dervishes, 'moryaan' and freedom fighters: cycles of rebellion and the fragmentation of Somali society, 1900-2000, by Jon Abbink Show less
This article is a repsonse to Thandika Mkandawire's article on violence against the African peasantry in Journal of Modern African Studies, vol. 40, no. 2 (2002). In this article, Mkandawire takes... Show moreThis article is a repsonse to Thandika Mkandawire's article on violence against the African peasantry in Journal of Modern African Studies, vol. 40, no. 2 (2002). In this article, Mkandawire takes exception to suggestions by the author concerning the antecedents of the 1990s civil war in Liberia, describing his views as 'essentialist' and 'poorly veiled racist'. The author argues that these tags are inaccurate. He suggests that the method he has used to analyse the violence of the Liberian civil war could be usefully applied to any violent situation in any part of the world. Accordingly, he first considers Mkandawire's suggestion as to why particular forms of violence occur in African wars, explaining why it is generally unsatisfactory, after which he considers an alternative method for examining the question of large-scale violence in Africa. Bibliogr., notes. (Rejoinder by Mkandawire, p. 477-483.) [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Based on the study of chiefs, elders and local leaders in southern Ethiopia, this paper analyses the idea of authority, legitimacy and governance among three small-scale societies, the Me'en, the... Show moreBased on the study of chiefs, elders and local leaders in southern Ethiopia, this paper analyses the idea of authority, legitimacy and governance among three small-scale societies, the Me'en, the Dizi and the Suri. It shows that in southern Ethiopia efforts were made to replace charismatic and traditional authority by a bureaucratic structure of rulers and legal procedures instigated by the expanding national State, but that this process was neither complete nor successful, because the sources of legitimacy of leadership and authority remained firmly within the local societies and were ill understood by outsiders, including State authorities. The central imperial State (upto 1974) did not use the pre-existing forms of local chiefs and other authorities and simply bypassed them either by appointing its own administrators as an extra layer of power or by relying upon provincial lords or kings in the core regions of the empire. The appointees had little connection with the local population. If they became too popular they were removed. Their loyalty only had to be upward, towards the emperor and his political circle. In the Derg era (1974-1991), this authoritarian pattern was reinforced, and wherever traditional chiefs existed, they were violently removed and suppressed. To date these three forms of authority co-exist and interact and define much of the local political dynamics, including violent conflict. Includes bibliographic references and notes. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Since the early 1980s the majority of countries in sub-Saharan Africa embarked on the implementation of IMF/World Bank designed 'structural adjustment programmes' (SAPs). This paper examines the... Show moreSince the early 1980s the majority of countries in sub-Saharan Africa embarked on the implementation of IMF/World Bank designed 'structural adjustment programmes' (SAPs). This paper examines the theoretical underpinnings of the SAPs. It shows that IMF policies are based on a theoretical framework that goes back to J.J. Polak's analysis of 1957 which adopted a number of assumptions far removed from economic conditions on the African continent. Focusing on the demand side of the economy, the IMF has neglected another important cause of the financial imbalances in African economies, namely the loss of import capacity and the related reduction in output resulting from external shocks. Furthermore, the IMF policy underestimates the fragmentation of markets and the inflexibilities in African economies. The World Bank policies are based on the Revised Minimum Standard Model that can be traced back to the Harrod-Domar model of the 1940s. A serious shortcoming of the model is that foreign exchange flows are assumed to be fully and automatically used in a productive manner in the recipient country. Another critical shortcoming of the model is the absence of distributional concerns. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
The purpose of this chapter is to explore the extent to which violence can be said to underlie any form of Stae formation in precolonial Africa. This is done by examining the role of violence in... Show moreThe purpose of this chapter is to explore the extent to which violence can be said to underlie any form of Stae formation in precolonial Africa. This is done by examining the role of violence in State formation in west central Zambia from the 17th century onwards. The chapter shows that State formation in west central Zambia entailed the imposition upon local village communities of a more or less centralized sociopolitical structure, representing a departure from the social organization and ideology prevailing in pre-State times. In the specific context of the expansion of Lunda political culture over much of south central Africa, the typical form of Statehood that emerged had two salient features: perpetual kinship and positional succession, neither of which corresponded with structural themes in local village society. The chapter compares the cultural logic of the village and that of the royal court in more detail, arguing that the latter completely ignored the former. This is illustrated by the particular cases of the Nkoya and the Lozi. Notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Boin, M.; Eijkman, E.M.; Oberst, U.; Polman, K.; Sommeling, C.M.; Doorn, M.C.A. van 2003
ASA Online provides a quarterly overview of journal articles and edited works on Africa in the field of the social sciences and the humanities available in the ASC library. Issue 3 (2003). African... Show moreASA Online provides a quarterly overview of journal articles and edited works on Africa in the field of the social sciences and the humanities available in the ASC library. Issue 3 (2003). African Studies Centre, Leiden. Show less
The Ethiopian-Eritrean 'border war' of 1998-2000 was about much more than a stretch of relatively useless borderland, but in the subsequent negotiations this issue has come to dominate the agenda.... Show moreThe Ethiopian-Eritrean 'border war' of 1998-2000 was about much more than a stretch of relatively useless borderland, but in the subsequent negotiations this issue has come to dominate the agenda. The focus of the controversy is the village of Badme. Despite the border decision prepared by the Eritrea-Ethiopia Border Commission (EEBC) under the auspices of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague in 2002, no one knew for sure which country had been accorded Badme until the EEBC issued a statement on 21 March 2003, declaring that the place would be in Eritrea. However, with this statement the case is not yet closed. Ethiopia remains unconvinced and has called for a 'proper' interpretation of the issue in the spirit of the December 2000 Algiers agreement. This article discusses the background to the conflict and explains why Badme has become such a highly symbolic prize. Bibliogr., notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Après avoir passé en revue les diverses approches qui proposent des interprétations de la situation des chefs traditionnels en Afrique, cet article examine le cas des chefs dans la Zambie du centre... Show moreAprès avoir passé en revue les diverses approches qui proposent des interprétations de la situation des chefs traditionnels en Afrique, cet article examine le cas des chefs dans la Zambie du centre-ouest. Il en fait l'historique à partir des années 1850, décrit la base de leur pouvoir et la marge de manouvre qui est la leur. De nos jours et dans cette situation locale spécifique, la base du pouvoir est en voie de déclin et les chefs s'efforcent de trouver de nouvelles stratégies pour se maintenir. Ils sont toujours davantage livrés aux mains de nouveaux acteurs sur la scène locale, contre lesquels ils se retrouvent plus ou moins sans défense. L'exemple traité ici, est celui d'une association ethnique volontaire, l'association culturelle Kazanga, fondée et contrôlée par certains de leurs sujets urbanisés qui ont réussi, et appartiennent à leur entourage immédiat. Cette organisation non gouvernementale s'est révélée capable d'établir un pont entre les politiques indigènes et l' État, selon un processus graduel d'ethnicisation. Cependant, la renaissance du statut de chef tourne court et conduit, non au maintien du pouvoir du chef, mais à une folklorisation qui le prive de tout impact, sinon à son annihilation pure et simple. Il en résulte que la tension monte entre les chefs et l'association ethnique en question. (Une version plus longue et en anglais de cet article a paru en 1999 dans l'ouvrage African chieftaincy in a new socio-political landscape de E.A.B. van Rouveroy van Nieuwaal et R. van Dijk). Notes, réf. [Résumé ASC Leiden] Show less
There has been a state of near-permanent revolt in Somali society since 1991. This chapter offers a cultural analysis of patterns of political and military activity from the precolonial era... Show moreThere has been a state of near-permanent revolt in Somali society since 1991. This chapter offers a cultural analysis of patterns of political and military activity from the precolonial era through the Italian and British colonial period, and State independence (1960-1991), to the present period of Statelessness. The focus is on a comparison of elements in the campaigns of revolt against the colonial States between 1900 and 1920 with those in the late Siyad Barre period (1988-1991) and the era of Statelessness (1991 onwards). A transformation of ideas of revolt and violent action has occurred in which Somali notions of egalitarian social order, kinship and local leadership have taken on a different shape. This prevented the institutionalization of crosscutting alliances and the emergence of a wider political arena - except in certain regions such as Somaliland and Puntland. The cultural and social unity of Somali society has always been overestimated. Somali political culture is by nature centrifugal, preventing the institutionalization of a legitimate leadership at State level but not at a regional clan level. Notes, ref., sum. [Book abstract] Show less
Between 1904 and 1908 imperial Germany pursued an active policy of genocide in German South West Africa, present-day Namibia. This chapter analyses the manner in which, during the course of the... Show moreBetween 1904 and 1908 imperial Germany pursued an active policy of genocide in German South West Africa, present-day Namibia. This chapter analyses the manner in which, during the course of the twentieth century, numerous people in varying contexts have sought to use the genocide perpetrated upon the Herero to further their own ends. It charts the manner in which a historical event has come to be deployed for varying and, at times, contradictory interests by German social democrats and English imperialists through to anti-Apartheid activists and postcolonial tribalists. It has been used to strengthen arguments that range from colonial policies through to claims that call for ethnic autonomy and compensation. Notes, ref., sum. [Book abstract] Show less
