This book examines the living conditions of farm labourers in Trans Nzoia, one of Kenya's large-scale farming districts. Based on a study conducted in 1989 among large farmers and farm labourers,... Show moreThis book examines the living conditions of farm labourers in Trans Nzoia, one of Kenya's large-scale farming districts. Based on a study conducted in 1989 among large farmers and farm labourers, an overview is given of wages, provisions, the various sources of income, the inportance of social networks and the nutritional status of different groups of farm labourers. From the data presented it appears that the extent to which households depend on the large farm owners for their livelihood largely determines their economic position. But the interdependency has its costs. The more the labourers' households are tied to the land of the farm owner for both income and own food production, the more difficulties they face in satisfying even their basic needs. Show less
Thans, vijf jaar na de val van de Berlijnse Muur, is het duidelijk dat in het grootste deel van Afrika meerpartijendemocratie als zodanig niet geschikt of voldoende is om het politieke gezag te... Show moreThans, vijf jaar na de val van de Berlijnse Muur, is het duidelijk dat in het grootste deel van Afrika meerpartijendemocratie als zodanig niet geschikt of voldoende is om het politieke gezag te herstellen dat regeringen ten tijde van de onafhankelijkheid genoten en dat sinds die tijd gestaag is uitgehold. Democratisering in Afrika is in feite niet meer dan een laat stadium in het verval van het systeem van de koloniale staat. In plaats van op te bloeien door de invoering van democratie zijn de Afrikaanse staten zelfs zwakker geworden. De auteur gaat in op de achtergronden van deze crisis van de staat in Afrika. Hij stelt dat de fundamentele scheppingsdaad van de meeste Afrikaanse staten niet neerkwam op de organische ontwikkeling van een nationale mogendheid, zoals in de moderne Europese staten, maar op het willekeurig trekken van grenslijnen. Thans zouden we wel eens een terugkeer kunnen zien tot iets dat min of meer op de pre-koloniale situatie lijkt. Democratisering vormt een element in de discussie over de vorm die de tegelijk nieuwe en oude politieke economie-in-wording in Afrika aan zal nemen. Van belang zijn met name de ontwikkelingen in Zuid-Afrika, dat van alle landen ten zuiden van de Sahara de meeste aantrekkingskracht uitoefent op Westerse zakenlui en diplomaten. Tenslotte gaat de auteur in op de vraag hoe een toekomstig Nederlands Afrikabeleid er uit zou kunnen zien. Noten, samenv. in het Engels (p. 527) Show less
In Africa, agriculture still dominates, but its relative share has been declining since the 1970s, without any prior increase in agricultural productivity or in urban employment. A process of 'de... Show moreIn Africa, agriculture still dominates, but its relative share has been declining since the 1970s, without any prior increase in agricultural productivity or in urban employment. A process of 'de-agrarianization' can be observed in the rural areas involving 1) livelihood reorientation, 2) occupational adjustment, and 3) spatial realignment of human settlement away from strictly agrarian patterns. This publication provides highlights of the papers and discussions which took place during a workshop organized in Leiden in May 1994 to consider the implications of de-agrarianization for sub-Saharan Africa. The publication is divided into a thematic section and nine regional sections: the Sahel, Ethiopia, Ghana and Zaire, Nigeria, Kenya and Uganda, Tanzania, Malawi and Zimbabwe, South Africa, pan-territorial issues. Show less
South Africa's policy of destabilisation of neighbouring countries was closely associated with the rise of South Africa as a leading middleman in the international ivory trade. South African-based... Show moreSouth Africa's policy of destabilisation of neighbouring countries was closely associated with the rise of South Africa as a leading middleman in the international ivory trade. South African-based traders, acting in partnership or with protection from officers of the South African Military Intelligence Directorate, imported raw ivory from Angola, Mozambique and points further north and re-exported it to markets in the Far East. This was a source of income both for the South African secret services and for individuals associated with them. The same trade routes were also used for trade in other goods, including rhino horn, drugs, gems, currency and weapons. This was not only as a means of earning money but also a technique of destabilisation in itself. The extent of South Africa's involvement in this trade, although suspected by some conservationists, was difficult to prove and did not form the target of any concerted campaign by the leading conservation groups world-wide. In this respect, the strength of the South Africa lobby in the World-Wide Fund for Nature seems to have played a significant role. Since the ending of South Africa's military presence in Namibia and Angola in 1989, the Military Intelligence officers, Special Forces officers and others who conducted the wars for the defence of white South Africa have been intent on the struggle inside South Africa itself. There is evidence that such counter-insurgency specialists are now using Mozambique in particular as a base for operations inside South Africa. Moreover, they continue to have an interest in the ivory and rhino horn trades. Former officers of specialist counter-insurgency units have also found employment as game wardens in national parks. The bold proposals currently being implemented to create large new game parks along the South African-Mozambican border, using modern management techniques and involving local communities in their management, have important implications for politics and national security. Show less
As labour migration to South Africa is a pronounced feature of Swazi society, its impact on Swazi society is substantial. This paper examines what labour migration means to the social security... Show moreAs labour migration to South Africa is a pronounced feature of Swazi society, its impact on Swazi society is substantial. This paper examines what labour migration means to the social security role of the Swazi rural homestead. By discussing the relationship between labour migration and the conditions which determine whether or not a social group can act as a solidarity group (viz. the size of a social group, its composition, its durability, its capacity to raise means, and the existence of a 'normative insurance'), the author estimates the impact of labour migration on the rural homestead in its capacity as a solidarity group. For this purpose he compares a group of homesteads with migrants in South Africa and a group of homesteads without. Data are derived from a 1990 survey among 115 rural homesteads situated on Swazi Nation Land. The author shows that the impact of labour migration differs according to the type of homestead. As a solidarity group, homesteads in the establishment and expansion stage are far more affected by labour migration than homesteads in other stages of the developmental cycle (viz. consolidation, fission, decline). Show less
Facing problems of land, natural resources and environment, Sahelian governments have become increasingly aware that solutions must be sought first among local communities. These communities, in... Show moreFacing problems of land, natural resources and environment, Sahelian governments have become increasingly aware that solutions must be sought first among local communities. These communities, in association with government at local and national levels, should be responsible for land and natural resource management. This chapter discusses recent land tenure and environmental management developments as they have occurred in Mali. First, a historical summary of the policies followed in Mali with respect to decentralization, land tenure and management of natural resources shows that the strongly centralized government which was introduced in all French colonies was continued after independence by the Malian government. The government regarded itself as the sole authority capable of managing land and natural resources, leaving little room for local initiatives. Events taking place between 1990 and 1992, however, have led to a change in policy: land policy and environmental management are now invariably linked with decentralization. Next, certain legal and institutional constraints concerning the local management of land and natural resources are discussed, with special attention being paid to local management contracts. Finally, political dimensions of improved environmental protection in Mali are considered, focusing on problems of rapid implementation of decentralization and the importance of a durable democracy. Show less
This paper explores the cultural dynamics of ethnicity in the context of a postcolonial African State, Zambia. The opening sections define ethnicity and pinpoint its central dilemma: while... Show moreThis paper explores the cultural dynamics of ethnicity in the context of a postcolonial African State, Zambia. The opening sections define ethnicity and pinpoint its central dilemma: while unmistakably constructed and thus selectively empowering the brokers coordinating the construction process, ethnicity nonetheless tends to pose as unchangeable, innate and inescapable. The paper then presents an analysis of the Kazanga festival which has been taking place since 1988 among the Nkoya in western Zambia. As an instance of ethnic self-representation vis-…-vis the national State, the annual festival brings out the extent to which cultural reconstruction in ethnicity radically transforms local historical cultural forms into a global idiom of performance, inequality along class and gender lines, and commodification or folklorization of culture. Yet such transformation is shown to have a revitalizing effect on local expressive culture and on the historic kingship, and is argued to be a survival strategy for local cultural forms in a globalizing world. The author attended the Kazanga festival in 1989, and again in 1994. In a postscript he outlines changes which have taken place since 1989. Show less
The chapters in this collection record a workshop held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, in April 1991, on African languages, development and the State. The book is divided into an... Show moreThe chapters in this collection record a workshop held at the School of Oriental and African Studies, in April 1991, on African languages, development and the State. The book is divided into an introductory chapter, by Richard Fardon and Graham Furniss, and three parts. Part 1, West Africa, contains papers by Ayo Bamgbose (multilingualism), C. Magbaily Fyle (policy toward Krio in Sierra Leone), Mamoud Akanni Igu‚ and Raphael Windali N'ou‚ni (the politics of language in B‚nin), Ben Ohi Elugbe (minority language development in Rivers and Bendel States, Nigeria), Gillian F. Hansford (mother tongue literacy among the Chumburung speakers in Ghana). Part 2, Central and Southern Africa, contains papers by J.M.M. Katupha (language use in Mozambique), Jean Benjamin (language and the struggle for racial equality in the development of a non-racial southern African nation), Nhlanhla P. Maake (a new language policy for post-apartheid South Africa), James Fairhead (linguistic pluralism in a Bwisha community, eastern Zaire), Wim van Binsbergen (minority languages in Zambia (Nkoya) and Botswana (Kalanga)). Part 3, East Africa, contains papers by Gnter Schlee (loanwords in Oromo and Rendille), Jan Blommaert (the metaphors of modernization in Tanzanian language policy), David Parkin (Arabic, Swahili and the vernaculars in Kenya). Show less
Depuis 1983 la Mauritanie est engagée dans un processus de réforme foncière. Le système de la tenure foncière traditionnelle du sol est aboli. L'individualisation est de droit. La réforme a pour... Show moreDepuis 1983 la Mauritanie est engagée dans un processus de réforme foncière. Le système de la tenure foncière traditionnelle du sol est aboli. L'individualisation est de droit. La réforme a pour but la mise en valeur accélérée de la terre afin d'augmenter la production alimentaire du pays. La région du Trarza-Est, dans la vallée du fleuve Sénégal a été choisie par les autorités mauritaniennes comme zone expérimentale. Un ensemble d'observations de première main, difficilement accessibles en raison des tensions foncières, politiques et ethniques qui règnent dans la région du Trarza-Est, ont été réunies par les auteurs lors d'une mission d'évaluation effectuée en 1992 et organisée par la Banque mondiale et les autorités mauritaniennes: elles permettent de mieux comprendre le contexte, l'origine et les raisons des conflits constatés. Show less
