Ordinary social violence, - i.e. recurrent mental or physical aggression occurring between closely related people - structures social relationships in Africa, and in the world. Studies of violence... Show moreOrdinary social violence, - i.e. recurrent mental or physical aggression occurring between closely related people - structures social relationships in Africa, and in the world. Studies of violence in Africa often refer to ethnic wars and explicit conflicts and do not enter the hidden domain of violence that this book reveals through in-depth anthropological studies from different parts and contexts in Africa. Ordinary violence has its distinctive forms embedded in specific histories and cultures. It is gendered, implicates witchcraft accusations, varies in rural and urban contexts, relates to demographic and socio-economic changes of the past decades and is embedded in the everyday life of many African citizens. The experience of ordinary violence goes beyond the simple notion of victimhood; instead it structures social life and should therefore be a compelling part of the study of social change. Show less
Pastoralist societies in Africa are claimed to be prone to violence due to structural conditions of environmental vulnerability, scarcity of resources and decentralized sociopolitical organization... Show morePastoralist societies in Africa are claimed to be prone to violence due to structural conditions of environmental vulnerability, scarcity of resources and decentralized sociopolitical organization. Their contacts with expanding State structures and with neighbouring groups in different socioeconomic conditions are seen to add to instability, due to the underlying hegemonic project of national States, while major economic and demographic changes also play a role. This paper presents a comparative overview of factors that come into play in the 'production of conflict' in and between pastoral societies, focusing on Northeast Africa. It contends that while conflict was a regular feature of life in traditional pastoral societies, its nature and frequency have significantly changed in the confrontation with State forces, whereby unresolved tensions between traditional and 'modern' judicial conflict regulation mechanisms play a role. External agencies approach these pastoral societies in conflict without paying proper attention to the larger political-economic context in which they operate and which constrains them in a political and ideological sense. A number of case studies reveal that structural instability in contemporary pastoral societies is usually not properly interpreted by outside agencies and not easily 'resolved'. App., bibliogr., notes, ref., sum. [Journal abstract] Show less
This article is a repsonse to Thandika Mkandawire's article on violence against the African peasantry in Journal of Modern African Studies, vol. 40, no. 2 (2002). In this article, Mkandawire takes... Show moreThis article is a repsonse to Thandika Mkandawire's article on violence against the African peasantry in Journal of Modern African Studies, vol. 40, no. 2 (2002). In this article, Mkandawire takes exception to suggestions by the author concerning the antecedents of the 1990s civil war in Liberia, describing his views as 'essentialist' and 'poorly veiled racist'. The author argues that these tags are inaccurate. He suggests that the method he has used to analyse the violence of the Liberian civil war could be usefully applied to any violent situation in any part of the world. Accordingly, he first considers Mkandawire's suggestion as to why particular forms of violence occur in African wars, explaining why it is generally unsatisfactory, after which he considers an alternative method for examining the question of large-scale violence in Africa. Bibliogr., notes. (Rejoinder by Mkandawire, p. 477-483.) [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
There has been a state of near-permanent revolt in Somali society since 1991. This chapter offers a cultural analysis of patterns of political and military activity from the precolonial era... Show moreThere has been a state of near-permanent revolt in Somali society since 1991. This chapter offers a cultural analysis of patterns of political and military activity from the precolonial era through the Italian and British colonial period, and State independence (1960-1991), to the present period of Statelessness. The focus is on a comparison of elements in the campaigns of revolt against the colonial States between 1900 and 1920 with those in the late Siyad Barre period (1988-1991) and the era of Statelessness (1991 onwards). A transformation of ideas of revolt and violent action has occurred in which Somali notions of egalitarian social order, kinship and local leadership have taken on a different shape. This prevented the institutionalization of crosscutting alliances and the emergence of a wider political arena - except in certain regions such as Somaliland and Puntland. The cultural and social unity of Somali society has always been overestimated. Somali political culture is by nature centrifugal, preventing the institutionalization of a legitimate leadership at State level but not at a regional clan level. Notes, ref., sum. [Book abstract] Show less
La violence a été omniprésente dans l'Afrique du XXe siècle, et si son impact politique a été vu sous l'angle de l'État, la portée sociale et culturelle de la violence, elle, a été minimisée.... Show moreLa violence a été omniprésente dans l'Afrique du XXe siècle, et si son impact politique a été vu sous l'angle de l'État, la portée sociale et culturelle de la violence, elle, a été minimisée. Or la violence telle qu'elle se manifeste actuellement en Afrique australe (Zimbabwe), occidentale (Liberia, Sierra Leone, Côte d'Ivoire), centrale (Congo(s), Centrafrique), orientale (Éthiopie/Érythrée, Somalie, Soudan) et septentrionale (Algérie) doit uniquement être considérée par rapport à l'Histoire. Il s'agit d'un processus de destruction de la cohésion sociale, de déshumanisation, qui est transmissible. L'impact du colonialisme sur la violence africaine ne doit pas être oublié, comme le montre l'exemple de l'absurdité de la répartition des terres en Namibie, au Zimbabwe et en Afrique du Sud. Le génocide rwandais est un concentré des nombreux facteurs de violence qui, en Afrique, peuvent se rejoindre pour exploser. L'élément de l'impunité, comme dans les cas de viol, pratique qui se répand dans les cas de conflits en Afrique, joue un rôle. Un facteur nouveau, comme lors de l'opération "Restore Hope" en Somalie en 1992, est l'apprentissage de la médiatisation comme arme de guerre. [Résumé ASC Leiden] Show less
The political liberalization process in Cameroon was marked by protracted strike actions on the campus of the University of Yaounde during the period 1990-1996. Political liberalization provided... Show moreThe political liberalization process in Cameroon was marked by protracted strike actions on the campus of the University of Yaounde during the period 1990-1996. Political liberalization provided space for students to organize and voice their multiple grievances about the poor living and study conditions on campus as well as the process of "institutional liberalization", which blocked their pursuit of upward mobility. The unprecedented degree of violence that accompanied the protracted strikes may be attributed not only to the persistent refusal of the university authorities and the regime to enter into any meaningful form of dialogue with the students, but also to the internal divisions among the students along party and ethnoregional lines. The major lines of division were between two groups: the "stranger" students organized in the Students' Parliament and closely allied to the radical opposition; and the "autochthonous" Beti students organized in the Committee for Self-Defense and the Beti militia and closely allied to the regime in power. In their fight with Parliament, the latter groups resorted to violent forms of ethnic exclusion to reestablish control over what they considered to be their university and to maintain their regime in power. (Journal abstract) Show less
L'impact du processus de mondialisation politique et économique qui se répercute également sur les sociétés africaines transforme les conceptions et l'usage qui est fait de l'ethnicité, de l... Show moreL'impact du processus de mondialisation politique et économique qui se répercute également sur les sociétés africaines transforme les conceptions et l'usage qui est fait de l'ethnicité, de l'identité de groupe et de la violence. Ces transformations apparaissent dans les relations changeantes entre la société locale et l'État dans la Corne de l'Afrique, où l'on peut distinguer trois niveaux d'interaction entre le niveau local et celui de l'État. Pour traiter du premier niveau, l'auteur décrit les évolutions qui se sont produites au sein d'une société agropastorale du sud de l'Éthiopie: les Suri sont un exemple typique d'une société locale transformée par la mondialisation. A cause de leur insertion dans des interactions plus larges au niveau régional et national, la violence qui était intégrée dans la culture est redéfinie, elle n'est plus ritualisée et elle devient plus instrumentale. L'étude du deuxième et troisième niveau se concentre sur l'évolution du cadre de la violence politique de l'État en Éthiopie et en Somalie. Les violences des groupes politiques et de l'État étaient étroitement liées à l'échec du projet de la modernisation des deux pays. Cependant, ces derniers sont très différents du point de vue des bases sociales et régionales sur lesquelles ils forment leur identité et se mobilisent politiquement. En définitive, l'article montre l'importance croissante des réponses violentes en tant que force de résistance dans le cadre de la mondialisation. Bibliogr., notes, réf., rés. en français (p. 201) et en anglais (p. 205) Show less
La guerre de 1989 … 1997 au Liberia a constitu‚ un observatoire des pratiques de violence, y compris dans le domaine de l'invisible. Certaines techniques utilis‚es par les guerriers, telles l... Show moreLa guerre de 1989 … 1997 au Liberia a constitu‚ un observatoire des pratiques de violence, y compris dans le domaine de l'invisible. Certaines techniques utilis‚es par les guerriers, telles l'utilisation d'amulettes ou les pratiques d'anthropophagie, ont ‚t‚ qualifi‚es par les Lib‚riens de "sorcellerie" (en anglais … la fois 'sorcery' et 'witchcraft'). Ce terme semble avoir chang‚ de sens au fil du XXŠme siŠcle. Cet article ‚tudie ces changements et montre comment la constitution d'un pouvoir oligarchique est all‚e de pair avec la red‚finition de certaines repr‚sentations religieuses. Notes, r‚f., r‚s. en fran‡ais et en anglais (p. 205) Show less
This article presents an account of the ideological form and practical exercise of violence among the Chai, a subgroup of the Suri (or Surma) people, agropastoralists in southern Ethiopia. In... Show moreThis article presents an account of the ideological form and practical exercise of violence among the Chai, a subgroup of the Suri (or Surma) people, agropastoralists in southern Ethiopia. In theoretical terms, the general question is addressed of how, on the elementary level of small-scale, relatively traditional society without stratification, central leadership and modern economic features, "violence" is constructed and performed, and how it partly defines the social persona and collectivity of this group, as opposed to others. The author asserts that, while the connections of the Suri with other ethno-cultural groups in a partially shared environment and contacts with State forces are not new - recent political, ecological and other developments have an important transformative impact on their patterns of violence. The past years have shown a serious crisis in the relations between the Chai and their neighbours. Both internal, thus far ritually contained Chai violence, as well as violence towards other groups, tends to break the bounds of custom and to turn into the uninhibited use of force. While it makes available new options for local people, the new violence tends to endanger the coexistence of groups as well as the peace in Chai society itself. Show less
Accounts of South Africa's transition from apartheid differ markedly in the role they attribute to violence. The most influential narratives of negotiations tend to portray the violence of the... Show moreAccounts of South Africa's transition from apartheid differ markedly in the role they attribute to violence. The most influential narratives of negotiations tend to portray the violence of the transition period, including that perpetrated by those networks within and without the security forces which have become known collectively as the Third Force, as a reaction to events, doomed to failure and rather disconnected from the main narrative of history. Newly available evidence shows the degree to which the Third Force was integrated into the policy of the National Party (NP) over a long period (from the 1960s onwards), and played a crucial role in determining the nature and outcome of constitutional negotiations in the period 1990-1994. Concentration on the narrative of negotiations, or any account which fails to give due weight to the perpetrators of organized violence including those who constituted the Third Force, implicitly assigns the violence of 1990-1994 to a position somewhat divorced from, or even antithetical to, the pursuit of negotiations. This has deflected attention from the important question of ascertaining the extent to which the agenda and pace of negotiations, and thus the shape of the eventual political and constitutional outcome, were actually driven by proponents of violence who were able to make their influence felt from outside the conference chamber. Ref., sum Show less
This article examines how violent interaction between ethnic and social groups in Ethiopia has shaped the contours of contemporary society. It focuses on the so-called Red Terror period of the... Show moreThis article examines how violent interaction between ethnic and social groups in Ethiopia has shaped the contours of contemporary society. It focuses on the so-called Red Terror period of the late 1970s, which marks a decisive stage in the transformation of violence and politics in Ethiopia. The intense physical and psychological violence of the Red Terror period had a lasting effect on the collective mind and on social relations among Ethiopians. Because of its violation of central sociocultural ideals and codes in Ethiopian society, it decisively undermined any idea of 'social contract' or 'trust' between the State and the population. This breakdown of trust led to a dissociation of civilians from national policy and power structures, and to a serious weakening of overall social cohesion. Show less
Although the Ethiopian Transitional Government has been attempting since 1991 to set up new national and regional structures of administration and cooperation that may eventually lead to some form... Show moreAlthough the Ethiopian Transitional Government has been attempting since 1991 to set up new national and regional structures of administration and cooperation that may eventually lead to some form of locally entrenched, ethnic-based democracy, these are not yet fully in place in K„fa region in southern Ethiopia. This paper analyses the possibilities and constraints of the Ethiopian model by highlighting the increasing ethno-political tensions in this 'marginal' area, notably between the Dizi and the Suri in the Maji area. It examines the political and ecological factors which played a role in the recent upsurge of violence, and discusses the prospects for intervention and change. The paper is based on fieldwork carried out in the area during 1992 and 1993. Notes, ref Show less
