Abstract:This article presents an analysis of the diaries of Barthélémy Boganda, priest and later politician in French Equatorial Africa. So far unknown, these diaries, stored in the archives of... Show moreAbstract:This article presents an analysis of the diaries of Barthélémy Boganda, priest and later politician in French Equatorial Africa. So far unknown, these diaries, stored in the archives of the French Spiritans, shed light on earlier stages of Boganda’s life, on which fewer sources are available. The article first discusses the broad historical background of colonialism in French Equatorial Africa and the significance of Barthélémy Boganda as an historical figure, also comparing him with other leaders of Africa’s decolonization struggles. It then analyses the nature of his diaries and their different entries and argues that it is through this source material that one can better understand the complexity of his person and the historical depth of his attitudes, thoughts and action.Résumé: Cet article présente une analyse des journaux de Barthélémy Boganda, prêtre et puis homme politique de l’Afrique Équatoriale Française. Inutilisés jusqu’à présent, ces journaux intimes conservés dans les archives des spiritains français éclairent les premiers stades de la vie de Boganda sur lesquels nous disposons de moins de sources. L’article examine d’abord le vaste contexte historique du colonialisme en Afrique Équatoriale Française et l’importance de Barthélémy Boganda comme figure historique en le comparant également avec d’autres dirigeants des luttes pour la décolonisation de l’Afrique. Il analyse ensuite la nature des journaux intimes de Boganda ainsi que leurs différentes entrées et suggère qu’à travers ce genre de sources, il est possible de mieux comprendre la complexité de sa personne et la profondeur historique de ses attitudes, pensées et actions. Show less
This paper discusses general political and economic issues in Nawuriland during and after German colonialism. The paper argues that the legacies of German colonialism are still largely seen and... Show moreThis paper discusses general political and economic issues in Nawuriland during and after German colonialism. The paper argues that the legacies of German colonialism are still largely seen and felt in Nawuriland especially in plantation projects, land and chieftaincy. Show less
The rich corpus of material produced by anthropologists of the Rhodes Livingstone Institute (RLI) in Lusaka has come to dominate our understanding of Zambian societies and Zambia's past. The RLI... Show moreThe rich corpus of material produced by anthropologists of the Rhodes Livingstone Institute (RLI) in Lusaka has come to dominate our understanding of Zambian societies and Zambia's past. The RLI was primarily concerned with the sociocultural effects of migrant labour. This paper argues that the anthropologists of the RLI worked from within a paradigm that was dominated by the experience of colonial conquest in South Africa. RLI anthropologists transferred their understanding of colonial conquest in South Africa to the Northern Rhodesian situation, without ever truly analysing the manner in which colonial rule had come to be established in Northern Rhodesia. As such the RLI anthropologists operated within a flawed understanding of the past. The paper argues that a historical paradigm of colonial conquest that was applicable to the South African situation came to be unquestioningly applied to the Northern Rhodesian situation. It concludes that current historiography dealing with the colonization of Zambia between 1890 and 1920 is seriously flawed and needs to be revised. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
The central tenets of this paper are that genocide and crimes against humanity are learnt practice, and that the seeds of the genocides that occurred in Namibia between 1904 and 1908 were sown in... Show moreThe central tenets of this paper are that genocide and crimes against humanity are learnt practice, and that the seeds of the genocides that occurred in Namibia between 1904 and 1908 were sown in the Congo in the late 19th century. The paper argues that the violence perpetrated by German officers in the service of the Belgian King Leopold in the Congo Free State was formative for the manner in which German colonial forces came to wage war in Tanzania, Namibia and China. In addition it argues that this violence was qualitatively different there where it could be and was checked by the intervention of civil society. [Book abstract, edited] Show less
Based on archival research, this book deals with the mass killings of peoples (particularly Herero and Nama) and conquest of land by German colonial forces between 1904-1908 in what was then known... Show moreBased on archival research, this book deals with the mass killings of peoples (particularly Herero and Nama) and conquest of land by German colonial forces between 1904-1908 in what was then known as German South West Africa (present-day Namibia). Most histories dealing with this Herero-German war at best only make passing reference to concentration camps and the prisoners kept there. The present book retraces the history of the concentration camps, also paying attention to patterns in the way prisoners were treated and what internment in the camps entailed for these people; the history of the Shark Island concentration camp in Lderitz; and the authorities responsible for the concentration camp mortalities. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This article deals with the rebellion of 'Sawaba' against the PPN (Parti progressiste nigeI_rien) regime in Niger. Sawaba was a political party that represented a social movement and formed the... Show moreThis article deals with the rebellion of 'Sawaba' against the PPN (Parti progressiste nigeI_rien) regime in Niger. Sawaba was a political party that represented a social movement and formed the first autonomous government of Niger during the last years of French suzerainty (1957-1958). For a number of reasons, the French assisted in Sawaba's removal from government. Together with the new regime, they proceeded to persecute the Sawaba party, which was driven underground. Sawaba organized a clandestine domestic opposition and made preparations for a violent take-over with the help of friendly countries such as Ghana, Algeria and Mali. Assisted with arms, money and training, its commandos invaded Niger from the south and west in the autumn of 1964. Despite Algerian support before the invasion, the revolt failed and Sawaba was condemned to the political wilderness. This article focuses on the Algerian dimension of the revolt. It discusses the political evolution of Niger from the spring of 1957 to independence in August 1960 and how this connected to developments in Algeria. It then discusses Niger's security situation and how this was linked to control over its nomadic population and incursions made by the two countries across their common frontier. Subsequent sections analyse Sawaba's clandestine organization and the support provided by Algeria, discussing Sawaba's cell in Tamanrasset (southern Algeria) and its military training further to the north. The conclusion assesses the consequences of the failure of the revolt for the relations between Niger and Algeria. Notes, ref., sum. [Journal abstract] Show less
Am 12. Januar 1904 brach in Namibia ein Krieg zwischen der deutschen Kolonialverwaltung und grossen Teilen der lokalen Bevölkerung aus - ein Krieg, der später als Herero-Krieg in die Annalen der... Show moreAm 12. Januar 1904 brach in Namibia ein Krieg zwischen der deutschen Kolonialverwaltung und grossen Teilen der lokalen Bevölkerung aus - ein Krieg, der später als Herero-Krieg in die Annalen der Kolonialgeschichte eingehen sollte. Dieses Kapitel versucht in dichter Beschreibung der Ereignisse unmittelbar vor und nach Ausbruch des Krieges sowie durch die konsequente Durchleuchtung individueller Handlungsrationalität das Augenmerk weg von strukturellen Ursachen des Krieges hin zu unmittelbaren Auslösern der Gewalt zu lenken. Es wird gezeigt, dass der Krieg nicht das Resultat eines länger geplanten Aufstandes der Herero gegen die deutsche Kolonialherrschaft war. Der Krieg war eine unmittelbare Folge der Siedlerparanoia in Verbindung mit der Inkompetenz und Panik eines deutschen Offiziers (Zürn). Fussnoten. [Zusammenfassung ASC Leiden] Show less
Following a brief description of the Herero genocide of 1904/1907, this chapter provides a chronological overview of the way in which the Herero have sought to draw the world's attention to the... Show moreFollowing a brief description of the Herero genocide of 1904/1907, this chapter provides a chronological overview of the way in which the Herero have sought to draw the world's attention to the crimes committed by imperial Germany in Namibia. Calls for recompensation revolve in the end around the issue of German government responsibility. That is, to what extent were the Herero genocide and related atrocities the product of German policy? To what extent were the criminal acts not merely the actions of individuals? Material presented in this chapter shows that the Herero genocide and associated atrocities were indeed officially sanctioned. During the Herero-German war, the German settlers and soldiers carried out a shoot-to-kill policy, conducted extrajudicial killings, established concentration camps, employed forced labour, and in at least two cases, established death camps. After the war, the loss of Herero liberty, land and stock was officially sanctioned in legislation. At no stage after 1904 were any German settlers or soldiers brought to justice for genocidal acts committed in Namibia between 1904 and 1908. Bibliogr., notes [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Between 1904 and 1908 imperial Germany pursued an active policy of genocide in German South West Africa, present-day Namibia. This chapter analyses the manner in which, during the course of the... Show moreBetween 1904 and 1908 imperial Germany pursued an active policy of genocide in German South West Africa, present-day Namibia. This chapter analyses the manner in which, during the course of the twentieth century, numerous people in varying contexts have sought to use the genocide perpetrated upon the Herero to further their own ends. It charts the manner in which a historical event has come to be deployed for varying and, at times, contradictory interests by German social democrats and English imperialists through to anti-Apartheid activists and postcolonial tribalists. It has been used to strengthen arguments that range from colonial policies through to claims that call for ethnic autonomy and compensation. Notes, ref., sum. [Book abstract] Show less
Between 1904 and 1908 imperial German troops committed genocide in German South West Africa, present-day Namibia. African survivors of the war were cruelly treated, placed in camps and put to work... Show moreBetween 1904 and 1908 imperial German troops committed genocide in German South West Africa, present-day Namibia. African survivors of the war were cruelly treated, placed in camps and put to work as forced labourers. This paper addresses the question of why German soldiers and settlers committed these atrocities. It argues that they were never directly ordered to commit such atrocities; instead, a social space was created in the central and southern Namibia of 1904-1908 in which the atrocities were deemed acceptable. In Germany, the concept of a German Empire with colonies developed to such an extent that it came to be seen as a necessity, a 'natural' destiny of Germany. However, the reality of the colony did not reflect the idealized image of German settlers and soldiers. In addition, events in China had indicated to German soldiers that the transgression of the limits of correct behaviour in a war situation was legitimated by the highest authority, the Kaiser. These factors, combined with the dreadful circumstances in which German volunteers found themselves in Namibia, contributed to the crimes committed. Bibliogr., notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
A rising against French colonial rule in central Madagascar (1895-1898) appeared in the 1970s as a good example of resistance to colonialism, sparked by France's occupation of Madagascar. Like... Show moreA rising against French colonial rule in central Madagascar (1895-1898) appeared in the 1970s as a good example of resistance to colonialism, sparked by France's occupation of Madagascar. Like many similar episodes in other parts of Africa, it was a history that appeared, in the light of later African nationalist movements, to be a precursor to the more sophisticated anticolonial movements that eventually led to independence, in Madagascar and elsewhere. In the light of the later history of nationalism, however, it is instructive to revisit the rising of the 'menalamba' (red shawls) in Madagascar and to reconsider the episode. Notes, ref., sum. [Book abstract] Show less
This chapter examines the lack of evidence regarding slave resistance in German East Africa and the related question of whether the colonial stereotype of the 'docile slave' is true. It starts... Show moreThis chapter examines the lack of evidence regarding slave resistance in German East Africa and the related question of whether the colonial stereotype of the 'docile slave' is true. It starts with a brief surmise of the history of slavery and an analysis of slave actions in the period concerned (1890-1914). The labour history of population movements in Unyamwezi in central Tanzania is taken as a case study. The chapter concludes that the colonial stereotype of the submissive slave is highly misleading. The social heterogeneity of servility prevented slaves from taking concerted militant action. However, it should be acknowledged that this diversity was the result of protracted everyday struggles by individual slaves for a better life in their places of residence. [Book abstract] Show less
The colonial conquest of Namibia was extremely brutal. Repressive controls continued in the decades that followed as exemplified by the South African colonial administration's regulation of the... Show moreThe colonial conquest of Namibia was extremely brutal. Repressive controls continued in the decades that followed as exemplified by the South African colonial administration's regulation of the production and consumption of alcohol by the territory's black African inhabitants. Nonetheless, the colonial State's policies were inconsistent and vigorously opposed at every turn by differing sections of the black population. In this chapter, the unlikely alliance of two of the territory's Herero urban groups, the 'Otruppe', illiterate Herero men, and the female 'khari' beer brewers, is examined. During the 1920s and 1930s, they faced the colonial State's attempts to undercut and ultimately eradicate the illicit production of alcohol through the establishment of a Location Advisory Board. In so doing, they were pitted against the colonial State and a newly emerging Herero political elite. The 'angry young men' of the 'Otruppe' and the Herero women brewers proved to be an invincible alliance that managed to evade colonial regulations on alcohol. Bibliogr., notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
