This volume investigates the development of biographical study in African history and historiography. Consisting of 10 case studies, it is preceded by an introductory prologue, which deals with the... Show moreThis volume investigates the development of biographical study in African history and historiography. Consisting of 10 case studies, it is preceded by an introductory prologue, which deals with the relationship between historiography and different forms of biographical study in the context of Western history-writing but especially African (historical and anthropological) studies. The first three case studies deal with the methodological insights of biographical studies for African history. This is followed by three case studies dealing with personas living through fundamental societal transitions, and four case studies focusing on the discursive dimensions of biographical subjects (including religion, cosmology and ideology). Countries or regions discussed include South Africa, Zambia, Gold Coast, Cameroon, Tanganyika, Congo-Kinshasa and the Central African Republic in colonial times. Show less
Abstract:This article presents an analysis of the diaries of Barthélémy Boganda, priest and later politician in French Equatorial Africa. So far unknown, these diaries, stored in the archives of... Show moreAbstract:This article presents an analysis of the diaries of Barthélémy Boganda, priest and later politician in French Equatorial Africa. So far unknown, these diaries, stored in the archives of the French Spiritans, shed light on earlier stages of Boganda’s life, on which fewer sources are available. The article first discusses the broad historical background of colonialism in French Equatorial Africa and the significance of Barthélémy Boganda as an historical figure, also comparing him with other leaders of Africa’s decolonization struggles. It then analyses the nature of his diaries and their different entries and argues that it is through this source material that one can better understand the complexity of his person and the historical depth of his attitudes, thoughts and action.Résumé: Cet article présente une analyse des journaux de Barthélémy Boganda, prêtre et puis homme politique de l’Afrique Équatoriale Française. Inutilisés jusqu’à présent, ces journaux intimes conservés dans les archives des spiritains français éclairent les premiers stades de la vie de Boganda sur lesquels nous disposons de moins de sources. L’article examine d’abord le vaste contexte historique du colonialisme en Afrique Équatoriale Française et l’importance de Barthélémy Boganda comme figure historique en le comparant également avec d’autres dirigeants des luttes pour la décolonisation de l’Afrique. Il analyse ensuite la nature des journaux intimes de Boganda ainsi que leurs différentes entrées et suggère qu’à travers ce genre de sources, il est possible de mieux comprendre la complexité de sa personne et la profondeur historique de ses attitudes, pensées et actions. Show less
This study traces the history of the Sawaba movement in Niger and its rebellion against the French-protected regime during the 1960s. Tracing the story from a social history perspective, the book... Show moreThis study traces the history of the Sawaba movement in Niger and its rebellion against the French-protected regime during the 1960s. Tracing the story from a social history perspective, the book places an entire generation of activists, removed from the offical record, back into mainstream Nig‚rien history. It analyses Sawaba's guerrilla campaign and failure, followed by the movement's destruction. The book is based on interviews with survivors and a vast range of archival resources, including those of France's secret service. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
In the early 1900s the motor-vehicle (car, bus, lorry or motorcycle) was introduced in sub-Saharan Africa. Initially the plaything and symbol of colonial domination, the motor-vehicle transformed... Show moreIn the early 1900s the motor-vehicle (car, bus, lorry or motorcycle) was introduced in sub-Saharan Africa. Initially the plaything and symbol of colonial domination, the motor-vehicle transformed the economic and social life of the continent. Indeed, the motor-vehicle is arguably the single most important factor for change in Africa in the twentieth century. A factor for change that thus far has been neglected in research and literature. Yet its impact extends across the totality of human existence; from ecological devastation to economic advancement, from cultural transformation to political change, through a myriad of other themes. This edited volume of eleven contributions by historians, anthropologists and social and political scientists explores aspects of the social history and anthropology of the motor-vehicle in Africa. Show less
This article deals with the rebellion of 'Sawaba' against the PPN (Parti progressiste nigeI_rien) regime in Niger. Sawaba was a political party that represented a social movement and formed the... Show moreThis article deals with the rebellion of 'Sawaba' against the PPN (Parti progressiste nigeI_rien) regime in Niger. Sawaba was a political party that represented a social movement and formed the first autonomous government of Niger during the last years of French suzerainty (1957-1958). For a number of reasons, the French assisted in Sawaba's removal from government. Together with the new regime, they proceeded to persecute the Sawaba party, which was driven underground. Sawaba organized a clandestine domestic opposition and made preparations for a violent take-over with the help of friendly countries such as Ghana, Algeria and Mali. Assisted with arms, money and training, its commandos invaded Niger from the south and west in the autumn of 1964. Despite Algerian support before the invasion, the revolt failed and Sawaba was condemned to the political wilderness. This article focuses on the Algerian dimension of the revolt. It discusses the political evolution of Niger from the spring of 1957 to independence in August 1960 and how this connected to developments in Algeria. It then discusses Niger's security situation and how this was linked to control over its nomadic population and incursions made by the two countries across their common frontier. Subsequent sections analyse Sawaba's clandestine organization and the support provided by Algeria, discussing Sawaba's cell in Tamanrasset (southern Algeria) and its military training further to the north. The conclusion assesses the consequences of the failure of the revolt for the relations between Niger and Algeria. Notes, ref., sum. [Journal abstract] Show less
This article analyses the significance of the newly established Pan-African Parliament. As one of the few genuinely new institutions of the African Union (AU) - itself the successor of the... Show moreThis article analyses the significance of the newly established Pan-African Parliament. As one of the few genuinely new institutions of the African Union (AU) - itself the successor of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) -, the Parliament's birth could provide the institutional transformations that have taken place in continental politics with more concrete meaning. After sketching the historical background to the idea of parliamentary representation in the (O)AU, the article outlines the African Union's formation and how this interconnected with the notion of a parliamentary gathering. It analyses in detail the Parliament's Protocol, the structures and powers with which it was provided, and its formal relations with the other organs of the Union. The article describes how the Parliament was formally launched in March 2004 and then gives an assessment of its possible impacts on the institutions of the AU; on AU policymaking; and on the Union's member States. Its potential role in the review mechanisms of the CSSDCA (Conference on Security, Stability, Development and Cooperation in Africa) and NEPAD is also discussed. The article concludes that the Parliament's influence will remain marginal for the foreseeable future. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum. in English, German and French. [Journal abstract] Show less
Abbink, G.J.; Bruijn, M.E. de; Walraven, K. van 2003
This collective volume reinterprets the genre of resistance studies, introduces recent conceptual perspectives and considers examples of African (civil) wars and insurgent movements. Contributions... Show moreThis collective volume reinterprets the genre of resistance studies, introduces recent conceptual perspectives and considers examples of African (civil) wars and insurgent movements. Contributions: Rethinking resistance in African history, an introduction, by Klaas van Walraven and Jon Abbink. Part I (Historical perspectives): Resistance to Fulbe hegemony in nineteenth-century West Africa, by Mirjam de Bruijn and Han van Dijk; Colonial conquest in central Madagascar: who resisted what?, by Stephen Ellis; Revisiting resistance in Italian-occupied Ethiopia: the Patriots' Movement (1936-1941) and the redefinition of post-war Ethiopia, by Aregawi Berhe. Part 2 (Social inequalities and colonial hierarchies): Ambiguities of resistance and collaboration on the Eastern Cape Frontier: the Kat River Settlement 1829-1856, by Robert Ross; African mutinies in the Netherlands East Indies: a nineteenth-century colonial paradox, by Ineke van Kessel; Absence of evidence is no proof: slave resistance under German colonial rule in East Africa, by Jan-Georg Deutsch. Part 3 (Violence, meaning and ideology in resistance): The Kawousan War reconsidered, by Kimba Idrissa; 'Sawaba''s rebellion in Niger (1964-1965): narrative and meaning, by Klaas van Walraven; The vagaries of violence and power in post-colonial Mozambique, by Gerhard Seibert. Part 4 (Resistance as heritage and memory): Herero genocide in the twentieth century: politics and memory, by Jan-Bart Gewald; 'Namibia, land of the brave': selective memories on war and violence within nation building, by Henning Melber; Dervishes, 'moryaan' and freedom fighters: cycles of rebellion and the fragmentation of Somali society, 1900-2000, by Jon Abbink Show less
One of the least-studied revolts in postcolonial Africa, the invasion of Niger in 1964 by guerrillas of the outlawed Sawaba party, was a dismal failure and culminated in a failed attempt on the... Show moreOne of the least-studied revolts in postcolonial Africa, the invasion of Niger in 1964 by guerrillas of the outlawed Sawaba party, was a dismal failure and culminated in a failed attempt on the life of President Diori in the spring of 1965. Personal aspirations for higher education, access to jobs and social advancement, probably constituted the driving force of Sawaba's rank and file. Lured by the party leader, Djibo Bakary, with promises of scholarships abroad, they went to the far corners of the world, for what turned out to be guerrilla training. The leadership's motivations were grounded in a personal desire for political power, justified by a cocktail of militant nationalism, Marxism-Leninism and Maoist beliefs. Sawaba, however, failed to grasp the weakness of its domestic support base. The mystifying dimensions of revolutionary ideologies may have encouraged Djibo to ignore the facts on the ground and order his foot soldiers to march to their deaths. Notes, ref., sum. [Book abstract] Show less
One of the least-studied revolts in postcolonial Africa, the invasion of Niger in 1964 by guerrillas of the outlawed Sawaba party, was a dismal failure and culminated in a failed attempt on the... Show moreOne of the least-studied revolts in postcolonial Africa, the invasion of Niger in 1964 by guerrillas of the outlawed Sawaba party, was a dismal failure and culminated in a failed attempt on the life of President Diori in the spring of 1965. Personal aspirations for higher education, access to jobs and social advancement, probably constituted the driving force of Sawaba's rank and file. Lured by the party leader, Djibo Bakary, with promises of scholarships abroad, they went to the far corners of the world, for what turned out to be guerrilla training. The leadership's motivations were grounded in a personal desire for political power, justified by a cocktail of militant nationalism, Marxism-Leninism and Maoist beliefs. Sawaba, however, failed to grasp the weakness of its domestic support base. The mystifying dimensions of revolutionary ideologies may have encouraged Djibo to ignore the facts on the ground and order his foot soldiers to march to their deaths. Includes bibliographical references, notes, and summary. Show less
In the presidential and legislative elections held in Ghana in December 2000 the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC), which had been in power for eight years, was decisively beaten. After... Show moreIn the presidential and legislative elections held in Ghana in December 2000 the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC), which had been in power for eight years, was decisively beaten. After presenting and analysing the main trends in the results of the parliamentary and presidential polls, this article discusses some of the principal features of the electoral process and analyses the causes of the NDC's defeat and its significance in the context of the long-term development of multiparty politics in Ghana and African democratization generally. Bibliogr., notes, ref Show less
Hoewel meerpartijenstelsels nu alweer zo'n tien jaar functioneren, bestaat er grote scepsis over de kwaliteit van democratie in sub-Sahara Afrika. De auteur stelt dat veel van de negatieve... Show moreHoewel meerpartijenstelsels nu alweer zo'n tien jaar functioneren, bestaat er grote scepsis over de kwaliteit van democratie in sub-Sahara Afrika. De auteur stelt dat veel van de negatieve oordelen over democratie in Afrika op sterke argumenten berusten, maar toch enige bijstelling behoeven. Hij betoogt dat niet verkiezingsfraude het grootste probleem voor Afrika's politieke stelsels vormt, maar het karakter van de wisselwerking tussen politieke klasse en maatschappelijke belangenorganisaties, het gebrek aan regeringswisselingen en de negatieve gevolgen van structurele economische problemen. Bij deze economische dimensie lijkt een belangrijke rol weggelegd te zijn voor het Westen. Deze aspecten worden ge‹Ilustreerd met enkele kanttekeningen bij de verkiezingen die gehouden zijn in Namibi‰ (1999), Mozambique (1993) en Niger (1993). Noten, samenv. in het Engels (p 281) Show less
This report constitutes a synthesis of three case studies of intrastate conflicts in Africa. Research was conducted in the context of the Conflict Policy Research Project executed by the... Show moreThis report constitutes a synthesis of three case studies of intrastate conflicts in Africa. Research was conducted in the context of the Conflict Policy Research Project executed by the Netherlands Institute of International Relations 'Clingendael' for the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The conflicts concerned are the civil wars in Liberia, Rwanda and Sudan. The details of these conflicts and the policy interventions undertaken by the Netherlands and other actors vis-aI_-vis these countries can be found in the respective reports (M.V. van Baarsen: The Netherlands and Sudan: Dutch policies and interventions with respect to the Sudanese civil war; P. Douma: The Netherlands and Rwanda: a case study on Dutch foreign policies and interventions in the contemporary conflict history of Rwanda; K. van Walraven: The Netherlands and Liberia: Dutch policies and interventions with respect to the Liberian civil war). The present contribution presents the main conclusions and arguments of the three country studies. It briefly describes the issues, actors and dynamics of the intrastate conflicts in Sudan, Rwanda and Liberia and summarizes the political, humanitarian and post-conflict interventions undertaken by the Netherlands and other actors (Ecomog, United Nations, Inter-Governmental Authority for Development, IGAD) Show less
Although ECOWAS was never intended as a regional security structure and its official mandate lies primarily in the economic realm, ECOWAS has developed a high profile with regard to cooperation on... Show moreAlthough ECOWAS was never intended as a regional security structure and its official mandate lies primarily in the economic realm, ECOWAS has developed a high profile with regard to cooperation on political and security issues. This has come about primarily through the intervention, under ECOWAS auspices, in the Liberian civil war. Although this intervention was protracted and controversial and suffered numerous setbacks, the countries responsible managed to see it through. The result was that the intervention force Ecomog (ECOWAS Cease-fire Monitoring Group) stayed in Liberia and finally was able, in 1997, to put a peaceful end to the civil war by way of internationally supervised elections. This study analyses ECOWAS's intervention in the Liberian civil war, with an emphasis on its role as a multilateral, third party actor. The chapters deal successively with the institutions involved in the Liberian operation; the mandates concerned and the working methods employed by, or in the cadre of, ECOWAS; and the actual practice of the intervention. The final chapter extrapolates, from Ecomog's vicissitudes, certain key factors that conditioned its successes and failures Show less
