In this article, the author assesses the nature and the impact of the May 2005 Ethiopian parliamentary elections on Ethiopian politics. The elections, although controversial and flawed, showed... Show moreIn this article, the author assesses the nature and the impact of the May 2005 Ethiopian parliamentary elections on Ethiopian politics. The elections, although controversial and flawed, showed significant gains for the opposition but led to a crisis of the entire democratization process. The author revisits Ethiopian political culture in the light of neopatrimonial theory and asks why the political system has stagnated and slid back into authoritarianism. Most analyses of post-1991 Ethiopian politics discuss the formal aspects of the political system but do not pay sufficient attention to power politics in a historical perspective. There is a continued need to reconceptualize the analysis of politics in Ethiopia, and Africa in general, in more cultural and historical terms, away from the formal political science approaches that have predominated. The success of transitional democracy is also dependent on a countervailing middle class, which is suppressed in Ethiopia. Furthermore, political-judicial institutions are still precarious, and their operation is dependent on the current political elite and caught in the politics of the ruling party. On the basis of the electoral process, the post-election manoeuvring, the role of opposition forces, and the violent crisis in late 2005, the author addresses the Ethiopian political process in the light of governance traditions and resurrected neopatrimonial rule that, in effect, tend to block further democratization. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum. (Comment by Tobias Hagmann: in African Affairs, vol. 105, no. 421 (2006), p. 605-612, with a reply by Abbink on p. 613-620.) [Journal abstract] Show less
The papers in this volume were earlier presented at the conference 'Globalization and new questions of ownership', which was held in Leiden, The Netherlands, from 26-27 April 2002. The volume... Show moreThe papers in this volume were earlier presented at the conference 'Globalization and new questions of ownership', which was held in Leiden, The Netherlands, from 26-27 April 2002. The volume challenges the dominant view that globalization is a primary threat to African societies. Instead, it emphasizes African agency in situating globality, that is, in selectively and creatively appropriating elements of the emerging global culture. Contributions: Situating globality: African agency in the appropriation of global culture (Wim van Binsbergen, Rijk van DijkandJan-Bart Gewald); Global and local trends in media ownership and control: implications for cultural creativity in Africa (Francis B. Nyamnjoh); Global media and violence in Africa: the case of Somalia (Jan-Bart Gewald); Can ICT belong in Africa, or is ICT owned by the North Atlantic region? (Wim van Binsbergen); 'Man will live well': on the poetics of corruption in a global age (Sanya Osha); 'Beyond the rivers of Ethiopia': Pentecostal Pan-Africanism and Ghanaian identities in the transnational domain (Rijk van Dijk); Global connections, local ruptures: the case of Islam in Senegal (Roy Dilley); How is a girl to marry without a bed? : weddings, wealth and women's value in an Islamic town of Niger (Adeline Masquelier); The social life of secrets (Senegal, Ferdinand de Jong); The persistence of female initiation rites: reflexivity and resilience of women in Zambia (Thera Rasing). [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This chapter briefly presents the biography of Londósa, a ritual leader or 'komoru' of the Chari Suri people in southwestern Ethiopia and shows how a personal case study can highlight the social... Show moreThis chapter briefly presents the biography of Londósa, a ritual leader or 'komoru' of the Chari Suri people in southwestern Ethiopia and shows how a personal case study can highlight the social problems of an ethnic group. Suri face a crisis of security and of social continuity. Both their physical security and their food security are at risk, and they have enduring tense relations with neighbouring peoples and with the Ethiopian State. Like other ethnic groups (e.g. Nyangatom, Toposa, Anywaa, Meen) they use armed force to defend themselves or contest resources. The relatively quick "militarization" of societies like the Suri in the last 15 years has brought new problems and challenges. Londósa, as the Suri ritual mediator and leader, recognized the problems emerging and called for restraint to Suri exercise of violence but with little effect. He was powerless to prevent the gradual deterioration of internal social relations in Suri society resulting from this militarization. Feelings of powerlessness and deception with the way Suri society was developing undoubtedly contributed to his early death in June 2000. Includes bibliographical references, notes, and summary [Book abstract] Show less
This collective volume reinterprets the genre of resistance studies, introduces recent conceptual perspectives and considers examples of African (civil) wars and insurgent movements. Contributions... Show moreThis collective volume reinterprets the genre of resistance studies, introduces recent conceptual perspectives and considers examples of African (civil) wars and insurgent movements. Contributions: Rethinking resistance in African history, an introduction, by Klaas van Walraven and Jon Abbink. Part I (Historical perspectives): Resistance to Fulbe hegemony in nineteenth-century West Africa, by Mirjam de Bruijn and Han van Dijk; Colonial conquest in central Madagascar: who resisted what?, by Stephen Ellis; Revisiting resistance in Italian-occupied Ethiopia: the Patriots' Movement (1936-1941) and the redefinition of post-war Ethiopia, by Aregawi Berhe. Part 2 (Social inequalities and colonial hierarchies): Ambiguities of resistance and collaboration on the Eastern Cape Frontier: the Kat River Settlement 1829-1856, by Robert Ross; African mutinies in the Netherlands East Indies: a nineteenth-century colonial paradox, by Ineke van Kessel; Absence of evidence is no proof: slave resistance under German colonial rule in East Africa, by Jan-Georg Deutsch. Part 3 (Violence, meaning and ideology in resistance): The Kawousan War reconsidered, by Kimba Idrissa; 'Sawaba''s rebellion in Niger (1964-1965): narrative and meaning, by Klaas van Walraven; The vagaries of violence and power in post-colonial Mozambique, by Gerhard Seibert. Part 4 (Resistance as heritage and memory): Herero genocide in the twentieth century: politics and memory, by Jan-Bart Gewald; 'Namibia, land of the brave': selective memories on war and violence within nation building, by Henning Melber; Dervishes, 'moryaan' and freedom fighters: cycles of rebellion and the fragmentation of Somali society, 1900-2000, by Jon Abbink Show less
Based on the study of chiefs, elders and local leaders in southern Ethiopia, this paper analyses the idea of authority, legitimacy and governance among three small-scale societies, the Me'en, the... Show moreBased on the study of chiefs, elders and local leaders in southern Ethiopia, this paper analyses the idea of authority, legitimacy and governance among three small-scale societies, the Me'en, the Dizi and the Suri. It shows that in southern Ethiopia efforts were made to replace charismatic and traditional authority by a bureaucratic structure of rulers and legal procedures instigated by the expanding national State, but that this process was neither complete nor successful, because the sources of legitimacy of leadership and authority remained firmly within the local societies and were ill understood by outsiders, including State authorities. The central imperial State (upto 1974) did not use the pre-existing forms of local chiefs and other authorities and simply bypassed them either by appointing its own administrators as an extra layer of power or by relying upon provincial lords or kings in the core regions of the empire. The appointees had little connection with the local population. If they became too popular they were removed. Their loyalty only had to be upward, towards the emperor and his political circle. In the Derg era (1974-1991), this authoritarian pattern was reinforced, and wherever traditional chiefs existed, they were violently removed and suppressed. To date these three forms of authority co-exist and interact and define much of the local political dynamics, including violent conflict. Includes bibliographic references and notes. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
The Ethiopian-Eritrean 'border war' of 1998-2000 was about much more than a stretch of relatively useless borderland, but in the subsequent negotiations this issue has come to dominate the agenda.... Show moreThe Ethiopian-Eritrean 'border war' of 1998-2000 was about much more than a stretch of relatively useless borderland, but in the subsequent negotiations this issue has come to dominate the agenda. The focus of the controversy is the village of Badme. Despite the border decision prepared by the Eritrea-Ethiopia Border Commission (EEBC) under the auspices of the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague in 2002, no one knew for sure which country had been accorded Badme until the EEBC issued a statement on 21 March 2003, declaring that the place would be in Eritrea. However, with this statement the case is not yet closed. Ethiopia remains unconvinced and has called for a 'proper' interpretation of the issue in the spirit of the December 2000 Algiers agreement. This article discusses the background to the conflict and explains why Badme has become such a highly symbolic prize. Bibliogr., notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This bibliography on Christianity in Ethiopia covers material published from the early 1960s onwards. It focuses on the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, including the Eritrean Orthodox Church, which... Show moreThis bibliography on Christianity in Ethiopia covers material published from the early 1960s onwards. It focuses on the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, including the Eritrean Orthodox Church, which became autonomous in 1993, but references on modern missionary and evangelical Christianity, as well as Catholicism are also included. The focus is on foreign-language studies, but a limited number of works in Ethiopian languages is also included. The entries are arranged in three parts: 1. Ethiopian Orthodox Christianity and missionary churches: historical, political, religious and sociocultural aspects; 2. Christian texts, manuscripts, hagiographies; 3. Ethiopian Christian art and architecture. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
Livestock herding peoples are known for their close involvement with their animals, valuing them in multiple ways. This paper addresses the issue of the nature of emotional and moral commitment to... Show moreLivestock herding peoples are known for their close involvement with their animals, valuing them in multiple ways. This paper addresses the issue of the nature of emotional and moral commitment to livestock animals, particularly cattle, among a group of livestock herders in southwest Ethiopia, the Suri. From certain cases of cattle and sheep sacrifice it could be concluded that the Suri exercise particular cruelty towards their animals on ritual occasions. How do Suri themselves see the issue of 'affection vs cruelty' towards livestock animals? How do Suri attitudes toward animals relate to their attitudes toward humans, notably neighbouring ethnic groups with whom they are in conflict and who accuse them of using excessive violence? The paper argues that notions of affinity and equality indeed define human-animal relationships among the Suri, but that these do not resolve the tensions inherent in the fact that cattle for them has both economically useful and emotionally rewarding features. The author compares human-animal relations among the Suri with those found in industrial societies. [Journal abstract] Show less
Many inter-State and intra-State conflicts in Africa become more complex by being extended into 'proxy wars', i.e. secondary, often 'low intensity' armed conflicts, pursued in the context of a... Show moreMany inter-State and intra-State conflicts in Africa become more complex by being extended into 'proxy wars', i.e. secondary, often 'low intensity' armed conflicts, pursued in the context of a major power struggle, or outright wars between States carried out by subsidiary or co-opted insurgent movements, usually of an ethno-regional nature. In the Horn of Africa, the proxy war phenomenon is visible owing to alliances behind the scenes, the involvement of neighbouring countries, and frequent changes of allegiance. The proxy war strategy was pursued by both players in the 1998-2000 border war between Ethiopia and Eritrea, not only in the enemy country but also in neighbouring States. Since the peace agreement of June 2000, the importance and impact of the proxy war factor has declined somewhat, but whether this decline will contribute to the building of a 'lasting peace' is not at all certain. The experience of tenuous negotiation during the past two years seems to indicate otherwise. The author argues that the threat of regional instability by proxy conflict remains, as long as the Ethiopian and Eritrean regimes are unwilling to make real peace with each other. App. (list of insurgent movements), bibliogr., notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
This chapter discusses the dynamics of interaction between the Ethiopan political centre and the Surma or Suri people, a small group of independent agro-pastoralists located in the Maji border... Show moreThis chapter discusses the dynamics of interaction between the Ethiopan political centre and the Surma or Suri people, a small group of independent agro-pastoralists located in the Maji border area of South-West Ethiopia, from 1974 to 1998. In this period the Suri provide an example of how allegedly 'marginal' populations were challenged, if not forced, to break out of their peripheral condition into one of engagement and co-optation that necessitated indigenous responses to an encroaching 'modernity'. Notes. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
In this article a comparative study is presented of the Indian and the Ethiopian Jews in Israel, immigrant communities that went through similar experiences of integration and accommodation in... Show moreIn this article a comparative study is presented of the Indian and the Ethiopian Jews in Israel, immigrant communities that went through similar experiences of integration and accommodation in Israel, despite the time lag in their arrival. Elements of their history and sociocultural background in the countries of origin are discussed in order to explain the emergence and status of ethnic identity in a complex new society with a shared background ideology of integration (Zionism). An assessment is made of the (perceived) initial religious and social marginality of the two groups as it may have interacted with their social "careers" and group status. The socioeconomic structure of Israeli society has contributed to "reproducing ethnicity". The analysis suggests that the "Indian" and "Ethiopian" Jewish subidentities are now well-established in Israel, illustrating that the cultural content of "Jewishness" or Jewish identity is quite diverse Show less
This article summarizes some findings of research on plant names and plant use of the Suri people (more widely known by outsiders as "Surma"), a relatively isolated group of agro-pastoralists in... Show moreThis article summarizes some findings of research on plant names and plant use of the Suri people (more widely known by outsiders as "Surma"), a relatively isolated group of agro-pastoralists in the border area of Southwest Ethiopia and Sudan. The research was carried out as part of a long-term anthropological study on the Suri in the years 1992-1999. The most prevalent health problems of the Suri are intestinal and stomach diseases, parasites, malaria, infections and burns. For several of these afflictions the Suri have indigenous medicine and surgery. However, they are now beginning to demand modern medicine (tablets, ointments, injections) when they see that it is available. The traditional ethno-medicinal knowledge is uncritically replaced. This is not to say that all Suri traditional knowledge was healthy and effective. But the transition to "modern medicine" is made without a proper testing and investigation of the workings and the potential of the Suri plants and medical practices in use until now. Bibliogr., notes Show less
Alcohol can be used as a theme to belittle, patronize and differentiate people. This happens especially when different kinds of beverages are accorded a different status across social and ethnic... Show moreAlcohol can be used as a theme to belittle, patronize and differentiate people. This happens especially when different kinds of beverages are accorded a different status across social and ethnic groups in society. The case study presented in this chapter highlights cultural aspects of social inequality and ethnic stratification by tracing the ambivalent connections between alcohol, power and cultural dominance in the Maji region of southern Ethiopia, where the author carried out fieldwork in 1995/1996. Maji society's 'drinking situation' reflects the area's history of divergent ethnocultural traditions and exposure of people to State narratives of civilization and governance. Historically, the local people, among them the Dizi, Me'en and Suri, were deemed politically and culturally less civilized by the central State and the northern immigrants. The Suri, as agropastoralist lowlanders, were considered especially coarse in their mannerisms and livelihood pursuits. Alcohol (ab)use is explained by many non-Suri northerners in the neighbouring villages as another example of the Suri's 'backward' social behaviour. This chapter explores the basis of such remarks and what they reveal about hegemonic relations and group prestige. Bibliogr., notes, ref. [ASC Leiden abstract] Show less
After more than two years of bloody warfare, the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a peace accord in Algiers on 12 December 2000. Although the peace accord paved the way for negotiations and... Show moreAfter more than two years of bloody warfare, the leaders of Ethiopia and Eritrea signed a peace accord in Algiers on 12 December 2000. Although the peace accord paved the way for negotiations and a delineation of the Ethio-Eritrean border, political stability in the region is not expected to increase unless the two governments reform their systems of governance. This article focuses on social developments 'on the ground' since the peace accord and on the social and psychological impact of the war on local peoples, such as the Afar, Irob, and Kunama. The author argues that a strict delimitation of the border may further divide local population groups and create tensions instead of defusing them. He further argues that the impact of the United Nations Mission for Ethiopia and Eritrea (UNMEE), in place since December 2000, will be limited; UNMEE is responsible for immediate security issues, but is not allowed to mediate between State authorities and local inhabitants. In the end, the border people may hold a key to the future of Ethio-Eritrean relations. Notes, ref., sum. in French and Italian Show less
Na ruim twee jaar oorlog verrasten Ethiopië en Eritrea de wereld met ondertekening van een vredesovereenkomst in Algiers, onder bemiddeling van de OAE. Hoewel er nu sprake is van een soort... Show moreNa ruim twee jaar oorlog verrasten Ethiopië en Eritrea de wereld met ondertekening van een vredesovereenkomst in Algiers, onder bemiddeling van de OAE. Hoewel er nu sprake is van een soort vredesproces - of beter 'onderhandelingsproces' - is verzoening nog ver weg. Daarbij komt nog dat de positie van beide regimes op de langere termijn ook door groeiende binnenlandse onvrede in het geheel niet zeker is. In beide landen is de erfenis van een 'geweldscultuur' alom aanwezig. De onderliggende politieke spanning tussen de beide landen staat normalisering, vrede en economische ontwikkeling in de weg. De oorlog mag dan wel afgelopen zijn, de autoritaire politieke structuren en het gebrekkig en arrogant leiderschap in beide landen blijven een groot struikelblok voor vooruitgang. Dit artikel gaat in op potentiële twistpunten in het akkoord van december 2000, zaken die niet geregeld kunnen worden met een vredesverdrag - wederzijds vertrouwen, herstel van normale betrekkingen - en het blijvende antagonisme tussen de twee regeringen. De conclusie is dat, aangezien de oorzaken van de grote spanning tussen Ethiopië en Eritrea nog dezelfde zijn als in mei 1998, de kans op duurzame vrede klein lijkt. Noten, samenv. in het Engels (p. 228) Show less
The case studies in this book on mobility in sub-Saharan Africa critically discuss dichotomous interpretations of mobility and reject the idea that migration indicates a breakdown in society. They... Show moreThe case studies in this book on mobility in sub-Saharan Africa critically discuss dichotomous interpretations of mobility and reject the idea that migration indicates a breakdown in society. They adopt the approach that sedentary and mobile worlds converge and that mobility is part of the livelihood system of African people. Contents: Mobile Africa: an introduction (Mirjam de Bruijn, Rijk van DijkandDick Foeken) - Population mobility in Africa: an overview (Han van Dijk, Dick FoekenandKiky van Til) - Territorial and magical migrations in Tanzania (Todd Sanders) - Moving into another spirit province: immigrants and the 'mhondoro' cult in northern Zimbabwe (Marja Spierenburg) - Cultures of travel: Fulbe pastoralists in central Mali and Pentecostalism in Ghana (Mirjam de Bruijn, Han van DijkandRijk van Dijk) - Mobile workers, urban employment and 'rural' identities: rural-urban networks of Buhera migrants, Zimbabwe (Jens A. Andersson) - Migration as a positive response to opportunity and context: the case of Welo, Ethiopia (Jonathan Baker) - Multi-spatial livelihoods in sub-Saharan Africa: rural farming by urban households - the case of Nakuru town, Kenya (Dick FoekenandSamuel O. Owuor) - Urbanisation and migration in sub-Saharan Africa: changing patterns and trends (Cecilia Tacoli) - Processes and types of pastoral migration in northern C“te d'Ivoire (Youssouf Diallo) - Mobility and exclusion: conflicts between autochthons and allochthons during political liberalisation in Cameroon (Piet Konings) - Population displacement and the humanitarian aid regime: the experience of refugees in East Africa (Patricia Daley) Show less
This book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes... Show moreThis book brings together studies on the broad theme of elections and democratization in Africa since roughly 1989. It is based on a seminar held in The Netherlands in February 1997, and includes chapters on both electoral processes, especially the role of foreign observers therein, and the historical and sociocultural backgrounds or contexts of democratization, elections and political legitimacy. Part 1 deals with elections and election observation in Africa in general (contributions by O. van Cranenburgh, S. Ellis, I. van Kessel, B. de Gaay Fortman). Part 2 consists of country studies (M. Doornbos on Uganda, D. Foeken en T. Dietz on Kenya, J. Abbink on Ethiopia, R. van Dijk on Malawi, R. Buijtenhuijs on Chad, and M.-F. Lange on Mali). Part 3 includes a chapter that reflects the discussions held at the seminar between observers, academics and policymakers in the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs (W. van Binsbergen en J. Abbink); a review of Dutch policies on election observation in Africa during the period 1992-1997 (O. van Cranenburgh); and a discussion of the 1997 general elections in Kenya, where a new approach of election observation was introduced (M. Rutten). Show less
