Executive Summary In June 2016, High Representative Mogherini presented the EU’s new Global Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy (EUGS) to the European Council. With the Strategy now... Show moreExecutive Summary In June 2016, High Representative Mogherini presented the EU’s new Global Strategy on Foreign and Security Policy (EUGS) to the European Council. With the Strategy now finalized, attention needs to turn to its implementation in an environment mired by crises both within Europe and the wider world. In September 2016, The Hague Institute for Global Justice and Europe House—the European Parliament Information Office and the Representation of the European Commission in The Netherlands—organized an expert meeting and a public panel discussion, which inform the present document as a first appraisal of the Global Strategy. Focusing on three areas of particular salience in EU foreign policy—the EU as a security actor, developing rules-based global governance in new areas, and the ‘joined-up’ approach in pursuing the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)— the following recommendations for the implementation of the EUGS can be made: The EU as a security actor The EU needs a pragmatic and flexible approach in order to solve the crises around Europe and to improve its credibility in the short and long term, for example by using ad hoc coalitions. Moreover, a possible withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the EU could open up political space for deepened defense cooperation. The EU would need to find ways to make use of this political space in order to generate political will in the capitals for deepening defense cooperation. More broadly speaking, the EU should devise plans to connect with its citizens as a security actor and communicate the message that EU defense cooperation tangibly benefits the security of all citizens. Developing rules-based global governance Using the area of cyber governance as an example given its cross-cutting importance, the EU should fully embrace the role of ‘agenda-shaper, connector, coordinator and facilitator within a networked web of players’ by investing in multistakeholder initiatives and, together with the Member States, showing coordinated political leadership in this area. The EU, furthermore, needs to take its internal normative innovations (such as the “right to be forgotten”) to the global stage, where they can serve as inspiration to other actors. It should also use regional approaches and coalitions of like-minded countries as building blocks for working towards a global consensus. In addition, the EU should bolster its credibility as a cyber power by capacity-building, both within the EU Member States and third countries, to fight criminal activities and strengthen cooperation between law enforcement agencies. Capacity-building as part of a ‘joined-up approach’ in the case of the SDGs For SDGs to be progressively realized through ‘joined-up’ EU action, they need to be translated and concretized into measurable goals, which should be pursued through already existing policies and strategies and be taken into account during the framing of new ones. Moreover, the EU should invest, in tandem with the Member States, in communicating to the public that the SDGs are a global commitment with implications, both positive and negative, in the daily lives of citizens. For the EU, the most important next step is to translate the EUGS into prioritized and coherent sub-strategies with a view to maintaining the SDGs as a central element of the follow-up of the EUGS. The Global Strategy will remain the core guidance for EU external action for years to come. However, the period until the first yearly progress report in June 2017 will be crucial for establishing the traction and first concrete results produced by the Strategy. As the calendars of the EU institutions and Member State policymakers are filling up with more milestones for its implementation, existing sectorspecific strategies will be updated and new ones developed. Implementing the Global Strategy will be a momentous endeavor by any standard, both for the EU and its Member States. How well they will work together, use their resources, build political momentum and voice their common message will ultimately determine the role of the EU in the world. Show less
This book explores the causes behind the EU’s recent forays into peace- and state-building operations. In the decade since the Union’s European (now Common) Security and Defence Policy (ESDP/CSDP)... Show moreThis book explores the causes behind the EU’s recent forays into peace- and state-building operations. In the decade since the Union’s European (now Common) Security and Defence Policy (ESDP/CSDP) became operational in 2003, the EU has conducted more than 20 civilian and military operations that broadly served to either deter aggression and/or to build or strengthen the rule of law in host countries. The present book seeks to identify the drivers behind this development: what motivated EU governments to take on these responsibilities? 'The Drivers behind EU Crisis Management Operations' builds its analysis on an explicit and systematic comparison of the explanations that the major theories in the field of international relations offer. Deriving four principal propositions, it compares their respective plausibility against four case studies. This book examines the diplomatic history behind the EU military operations in Bosnia and Chad as well as the civilian missions in Kosovo and Afghanistan. In this context, it systematically reconstructs the positions of the French, British and German governments as well as the positions of other EU member states wherever the latter played a significant role in the decision-making for a given operation. 'The Drivers behind EU Crisis Management Operations' combines an original theoretical analysis with a research design that enables the reader to compare different instances of ESDP intervention, mainstream theoretical interpretations thereof, and the national approaches of crucial EU players. In focusing on the overlapping and diverging motives behind ESDP action, it analyses the intra-EU conflicts underlying these acts of foreign policy cooperation. It thereby also sheds new light on the recent achievements and constraints of EU foreign policy at a moment when the Union is visibly grappling with the question of its future international role. Show less
This paper critically assesses the EU’s anti-piracy operation Atalanta in the light of the protection of Union citizens. The main question is to which extent a Union citizen threatened by pirates... Show moreThis paper critically assesses the EU’s anti-piracy operation Atalanta in the light of the protection of Union citizens. The main question is to which extent a Union citizen threatened by pirates off the coast of Somalia could rely on the promise of civis europaeus sum. The paper discusses the various legal aspects pertaining to the forceful protection of EU citizens in international law, EU constitutional law and the operational parameters of Atalanta. It argues that within the particular framework of the international effort to combat piracy, the protection of citizens by military force could be legal. Moreover, the protection of citizens outside the EU forms now one of the legally-binding general objectives of the Union. Yet, this objective is not reiterated in the operational mandate, which creates tension and confusion between the general objective and the CSDP instrument. The paper concludes that the mandate of Atalanta, by focussing entirely on universal objectives, is constitutionally incomplete and shows that the external dimension of Union citizenship is still underdeveloped. Show less
